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The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country. ; В статье рассматриваются различные виды национализмов в Республике Молдова через методологическую призму конструктивизма. Выделяются такие типы национализмов как национализм национальных меньшинств (national minorities), национализм новых национализирующих государств (nationalizing states) и национализм внешних национальных родственных государства (external national homelands) к которым принадлежат меньшинства или могут считать себя принадлежащими по культурные основания, а также национализм эмигрантов. В статье автор показывает их переплетение и взаимовлияние, а также место в политическом процессе в республике.

Gao Yang. ; Thesis submitted in: June 2005. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-133). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; GENDER AND NATIONALISM IN CHINESE FILMS BETWEEN 1949 AND 1989 --- p.I ; 摘要 --- p.III ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.VIII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Literature Review --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- "Nation, State and Nationalism" --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.1.2 --- Gender and Nation in Chinese Cinematic Narration --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Typology --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Film Analysis as Method --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Case Selection --- p.16 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF CHINA: 1949-1989 --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Background of the First Period:1949-1978 --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- "New China, New Women" --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- The Cooperative Movement and the Communization Movement:1952- --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- The Great Leap Forward and the Suppression of Individualism:1958-1960 --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.1.4 --- The Magnification of Class Struggle and the Cultural Revolution --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1.5 --- The Unchanged Philosophy behind the Changing Policies: the Strategic Opening Up of Public Domain for Women --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Economic and Political Landscape after the Cultural Revolution: 1979-1989 --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Economic Reform and the Concomitant Social Problems --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Political Liberalization and the Backlashes --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "The ""Cultural Fever"" and the ""Fifth Generation"" Filmmakers" --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2.3.1 --- Collective Frustration: The Social Sentiment after the National Trauma --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2.3.1.1 --- Traumatic Experiences during the Cultural Revolution --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2.3.1.2 --- The Lost Past --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.2.3.1.3 --- The Meaningless Present --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.2.3.2 --- The Specter of Westernization --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.2.3.2.1 --- ...

In the period before 1990s two concepts were used to describe the Scottish political development: "Nation without nationalism" and "The stateless nation". After the devolution of 1998 and electoral achievements of SNP neither of these constructions can properly characterize the processes, undergoing in Scotland. The forming of new alignment of political powers in Scotland is not yet finished, but so far its development leads to the emergence of political configuration separated from that of All-British, with regard to extreme weakening of "big" parties in Scotland. ; До 1990-х гг. 20 века для описания шотландского политического развития использовались концепты «Нации без государства» и «Нации без национализма». После деволюции 1998 года и электоральных успехов Шотландской национальной партии ни одна из этих конструкций не может верно охарактеризовать происходящие в Шотландии процессы. Формирование новой расстановки политических сил в Шотландии еще не завершено, но на текущий момент, с учетом крайнего ослабления позиций «больших» партий в Шотландии она развивается в сторону появления в стране политической конфигурации, отделенной от общебританской.

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; В статье проанализировано влияние идей национализма на содержание и характер международных отношений в прошлом и настоящем. Автор подчеркивает, что в условиях глобализации не исчезают проявления национального самосознания. Наоборот, в разных регионах планеты, включая территорию бывшего СССР, проявляется стремление к поиску национальной идентичности в крайней форме, что может привести к фашизации политических систем в отдельных странах. Такие тенденции подрывают основы международной безопасности, поскольку в перспективе в мире могут появиться десятки новых государственных образований. К сожалению, современные международные институты не уделяют данной проблеме внимания, и процесс носит в основном стихийный характер. = The article analyzes the influence of nationalistic ideas on the content and character of international relations in the past and at present. The author emphasizes that the manifestations of national identity do not disappear under globalization. To the contrary, various regions of the planet including the former USSR territory, demonstrate intense search for national identity in extreme forms which can lead to political systems becoming fascist in some countries. Such trends undermine the basis of international security since they may result eventually in emergence of scores of new states. Unfortunately, contemporary institutions do not pay sufficient attention to these problems, so the process bears a spontaneous character.

在過去的二十年中,隨著1989 年的革命(以及之後突進的新自由主義經濟政策),信息和通信技術(ICT)的擴散,世界經歷了急劇變化。但高等教育,尤其是英文文學研究有没有根據這一時期的文化、經濟、社會和政治的情況來修正呢?本論文探討從現代主義美學和片面國家論述的小說(英文書寫的),過渡到一個文化和政治驅動並行的後現代形式,及反映一個日益全球化和全球意識的二十一世紀引人注目的問題。通過當代小說的新自由主義全球化的測試 ──或者也被稱為後現代的情况和晚期資本主義的文化邏輯──我們了解世界據稱走向非殖民化只不過掩飾另一種殖民方式,導致葛蘭西的霸權理論效果,使馬克思主義理論的社會力量轉變成促使不同階級的政治權力形式,取決於一個非常關鍵的因素- 共識。 ; The world has experienced rapid changes in the last twenty years concomitant of the Revolutions of 1989 (and the subsequent onrush of neoliberal economic policies) and the proliferation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), but has higher ed,and particularly, the study of English literature modified in accordance to the cultural, economic, social, and political circumstances of the period? This thesis explores the compelling question by illustrating the transition of contemporary literary fiction (written in English) from modernist aesthetics and one-sided national discourse into a culturally and politically driven postmodern form to parallel and reflect an increasingly global and globally aware 21st century. Through contemporary fiction's examination of neoliberal globalization - or perhaps what is also known as the postmodern condition and cultural logic of late capitalism - we come to understand a return of colonization in a world allegedly moving towards decolonization. What results is the Gramscian theory of hegemony, which gives rise to a Marxist theory of the transformation of social forces into forms of political power adequate to different class projects that depends on a very crucial factor - consensus. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tchan, Chrystal Ching. ; "December 2012." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-110). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.ii ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Nationalism and the Decline of Empire --- p.15 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- The Reflexive Resurgence of Local and National Formations in Hari ...

The article is devoted to a socio-philosophical review of the ideology of market fundamentalism, considered through the lens of sacralization of ideas and texts of classical economic theory, first of all, the concepts of "free market" and "invisible hand of the market." The key provisions of market fundamentalism, its embodiment in the doctrine of "New Public Administration," as well as the most significant organization of market fundamentalists - the American Tea Party are considered. Market fundamentalism is compared with religious fundamentalism and is viewed in the context of globalization, the spread of the consumerist value system, and post-industrial, post-sectorial society. The article provides modern research on the problem of market fundamentalism and its comprehensive criticism. ; Статья посвящена социально-философскому обзору идеологии рыночного фундаментализма, рассматриваемой через призму сакрализации идей и текстов классической экономической теории, в первую очередь, понятий «свободный рынок» и «невидимая рука рынка». Рассматриваются ключевые положения рыночного фундаментализма, его воплощение в доктрине «Нового государственного управления», а также самая значимая организация рыночных фундаменталистов – американская «Партия чаепития». Рыночный фундаментализм сопоставляется с религиозным фундаментализмом и рассматривается в контексте глобализаци, распространения консьюмеристской системы ценностей и постиндустриального, постсекулярного общества. В статье приводятся современные исследования проблемы рыночного фундаментализма и его всесторонняя критика.

Early conceptualization of ation and nationalism across Central Asia in the late 19th – early 20th century was a reaction to the conquest of the region by tsarist Russia. For the development of contemporary society projects Bukhara merchants and pilgrims on the famous Tatar educator I. Gasprinskiy's advice puts forward a new elite – they were Jadids. Most of Jadids demonstrate less politicized nationalism of non-Western orientation, as basic value for them was multiethnic nation (millet). In this context Jadids insisted on the primacy of education and culture in the development of the nation. Today's interest in the ideas of Bukhara Jadids, in their interpretation of development issues can help to preserve and develop the sociocultural multipolarity and shape the phenomenon of citizenship desired for the countries of the region. ; Ранняя концептуализация нации и национализма по всей Центральной Азии в конце XIX – начале XX в. была реакцией на завоевание региона царской Россией. Для освоения модернистских проектов бухарское общество купцов и пилигримов с подачи известного татарского просветителя И. Гаспринского, выдвигает новую элиту: джадидов. Большинство джадидов представляли национализм в менее политизированных, незападных красках, т.к. базовой ценностью для них был полиэтничный народ (миллет). В таком контексте джадиды настаивали на первенстве образования и культуры в вопросах развития нации. Сегодняшний интерес к идеям бухарских джадидов, к их интерпретации вопросов развития может помочь сохранить и развить социокультурную многополярность и сформировать нужный для государств региона феномен гражданства.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the data obtained through the mass questionnaire survey of residents of the Saratov region in 2015. The authors found the perception of nationalism by citizens, the link between political views of the respondents, and their political engagement, and political participation, as well as the influence of political parties on the expression of nationalist feelings in society.

Special attention is paid to the spread of nationalist attitudes among different population groups in connection with: the negative attitude of some foreign countries to the actions of Russia in Ukraine and the reunification of the Crimea with Russia; with the aggravation of the economic crisis, the sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States that led to such consequence as a decrease in the standard of living of the majority of Russian citizens; with the continuing influx of migrants, which increases the likelihood of xenophobia and radicalism.

The authors conclude that in the minds of Russian citizens the ambiguous interpretation of nationalism dominates. On the one hand, nationalism is interpreted as a negative and dangerous phenomenon associated with the superiority of one ethnic group over the others. On the other hand, it is understood as the strengthening of state nationalism, largely defined by the patriotic feelings of love for their country in a globalized world, the desire to reduce the sovereignty, Russia's active position in the fight against ISIL. There is a trend of decrease of ethnic nationalist and xenophobic attitudes in the face of external challenges and threats. However, this does not mean conscious establishment of the values of tolerance in the political culture of those groups of Russians who tend to manifest xenophobia. In this case there is a situational transferring of one's rejection of the "other" to the external environment.

Zou, Meiyang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-103). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.iv ; 摘要 --- p.vi ; Abbreviations --- p.viii ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Nation and nationalism: problems and dilemmas --- p.2 ; James Joyce and Lu Xun --- p.10 ; Critical / ironical nationalism? --- p.16 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Negative Images of the Homeland --- p.21 ; Haunting death and insanity --- p.22 ; Problematic national identity and "backward´ح national character --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Doubts Towards the Foreign Powers --- p.39 ; Criticizing the self-imposed inferiority --- p.42 ; Failed intellectuals --- p.53 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Rescuing the Nation Through Language --- p.63 ; Disillusionment with political revolutions --- p.63 ; Literary experimentations as alternative salvation --- p.76 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; After the short stories --- p.83 ; Exile and role of the intellectual --- p.89 ; Literature and politics --- p.96 ; WORKS CITED --- p.99

This essay examines the activity of women in the Russian organized right between 1905 and 1917. It is particularly concerned with the scale of the female membership of the right-wing movement, and their connection to philanthropic and political roles. It examines the backgrounds of the women who joined the movement, the type of the activities that they became involved in, and where these women's clubs fitted into the social mission of the Russian right in the early twentieth century. It then considers the role of women in charity activities and what this can tell us about female agency in the right-wing movement. A final aim is to assess whether these organizations mirrored more radical characteristics emerging elsewhere in the right-wing movement, or whether they were mostly building on established trends in women's civic group formation. ; Анализируется политическая деятельность женщин в организованных российских правых объединениях в период между 1905 и 1917 г., в особенности масштаб женского участия в правом движении и связь с благотворительным и политическим аспектами движения. Изучаются политическая и социальная принадлежность женщин, принимавших участие в правом движении, виды их деятельности и то, в каком аспекте эта деятельность совпадала с социальной миссией русского правого движения начала XX в. Рассматривая роль женщин в благотворительной деятельности, автор уточняет различные ее аспекты в рамках правого движения. Цель статьи – рассмотреть, отражали ли подобные организации более радикальные настроения, возникавшие в рамках правого движения, или же они действовали рамках уже сложившихся тенденций формирования женских гражданских объединений.