Suchergebnisse

The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country. ; В статье рассматриваются различные виды национализмов в Республике Молдова через методологическую призму конструктивизма. Выделяются такие типы национализмов как национализм национальных меньшинств (national minorities), национализм новых национализирующих государств (nationalizing states) и национализм внешних национальных родственных государства (external national homelands) к которым принадлежат меньшинства или могут считать себя принадлежащими по культурные основания, а также национализм эмигрантов. В статье автор показывает их переплетение и взаимовлияние, а также место в политическом процессе в республике.

Language is part of ethnic identity, and ethnic identity in many cases, especially in Eastern and Central Europe, where ethnic nationalism is the prevailing form of nationalism, constitutes an integral part of nationalism (its other part consists of national interests as perceived by dominant groups and/or the majority). However, in the context of regional integration, the relationship between these categories undergoes a major change alongside with shifts in the identity structure.

Language is part of ethnic identity, and ethnic identity in many cases, especially in Eastern and Central Europe, where ethnic nationalism is the prevailing form of nationalism, constitutes an integral part of nationalism (its other part consists of national interests as perceived by dominant groups and/or the majority). However, in the context of regional integration, the relationship between these categories undergoes a major change alongside with shifts in the identity structure.

Language is part of ethnic identity, and ethnic identity in many cases, especially in Eastern and Central Europe, where ethnic nationalism is the prevailing form of nationalism, constitutes an integral part of nationalism (its other part consists of national interests as perceived by dominant groups and/or the majority). However, in the context of regional integration, the relationship between these categories undergoes a major change alongside with shifts in the identity structure.

In the period before 1990s two concepts were used to describe the Scottish political development: "Nation without nationalism" and "The stateless nation". After the devolution of 1998 and electoral achievements of SNP neither of these constructions can properly characterize the processes, undergoing in Scotland. The forming of new alignment of political powers in Scotland is not yet finished, but so far its development leads to the emergence of political configuration separated from that of All-British, with regard to extreme weakening of "big" parties in Scotland. ; До 1990-х гг. 20 века для описания шотландского политического развития использовались концепты «Нации без государства» и «Нации без национализма». После деволюции 1998 года и электоральных успехов Шотландской национальной партии ни одна из этих конструкций не может верно охарактеризовать происходящие в Шотландии процессы. Формирование новой расстановки политических сил в Шотландии еще не завершено, но на текущий момент, с учетом крайнего ослабления позиций «больших» партий в Шотландии она развивается в сторону появления в стране политической конфигурации, отделенной от общебританской.

Раздел "Международные отношения" ; В статье проанализировано влияние идей национализма на содержание и характер международных отношений в прошлом и настоящем. Автор подчеркивает, что в условиях глобализации не исчезают проявления национального самосознания. Наоборот, в разных регионах планеты, включая территорию бывшего СССР, проявляется стремление к поиску национальной идентичности в крайней форме, что может привести к фашизации политических систем в отдельных странах. Такие тенденции подрывают основы международной безопасности, поскольку в перспективе в мире могут появиться десятки новых государственных образований. К сожалению, современные международные институты не уделяют данной проблеме внимания, и процесс носит в основном стихийный характер. = The article analyzes the influence of nationalistic ideas on the content and character of international relations in the past and at present. The author emphasizes that the manifestations of national identity do not disappear under globalization. To the contrary, various regions of the planet including the former USSR territory, demonstrate intense search for national identity in extreme forms which can lead to political systems becoming fascist in some countries. Such trends undermine the basis of international security since they may result eventually in emergence of scores of new states. Unfortunately, contemporary institutions do not pay sufficient attention to these problems, so the process bears a spontaneous character.

The article is devoted to a socio-philosophical review of the ideology of market fundamentalism, considered through the lens of sacralization of ideas and texts of classical economic theory, first of all, the concepts of "free market" and "invisible hand of the market." The key provisions of market fundamentalism, its embodiment in the doctrine of "New Public Administration," as well as the most significant organization of market fundamentalists - the American Tea Party are considered. Market fundamentalism is compared with religious fundamentalism and is viewed in the context of globalization, the spread of the consumerist value system, and post-industrial, post-sectorial society. The article provides modern research on the problem of market fundamentalism and its comprehensive criticism. ; Статья посвящена социально-философскому обзору идеологии рыночного фундаментализма, рассматриваемой через призму сакрализации идей и текстов классической экономической теории, в первую очередь, понятий «свободный рынок» и «невидимая рука рынка». Рассматриваются ключевые положения рыночного фундаментализма, его воплощение в доктрине «Нового государственного управления», а также самая значимая организация рыночных фундаменталистов – американская «Партия чаепития». Рыночный фундаментализм сопоставляется с религиозным фундаментализмом и рассматривается в контексте глобализаци, распространения консьюмеристской системы ценностей и постиндустриального, постсекулярного общества. В статье приводятся современные исследования проблемы рыночного фундаментализма и его всесторонняя критика.

Early conceptualization of ation and nationalism across Central Asia in the late 19th – early 20th century was a reaction to the conquest of the region by tsarist Russia. For the development of contemporary society projects Bukhara merchants and pilgrims on the famous Tatar educator I. Gasprinskiy's advice puts forward a new elite – they were Jadids. Most of Jadids demonstrate less politicized nationalism of non-Western orientation, as basic value for them was multiethnic nation (millet). In this context Jadids insisted on the primacy of education and culture in the development of the nation. Today's interest in the ideas of Bukhara Jadids, in their interpretation of development issues can help to preserve and develop the sociocultural multipolarity and shape the phenomenon of citizenship desired for the countries of the region. ; Ранняя концептуализация нации и национализма по всей Центральной Азии в конце XIX – начале XX в. была реакцией на завоевание региона царской Россией. Для освоения модернистских проектов бухарское общество купцов и пилигримов с подачи известного татарского просветителя И. Гаспринского, выдвигает новую элиту: джадидов. Большинство джадидов представляли национализм в менее политизированных, незападных красках, т.к. базовой ценностью для них был полиэтничный народ (миллет). В таком контексте джадиды настаивали на первенстве образования и культуры в вопросах развития нации. Сегодняшний интерес к идеям бухарских джадидов, к их интерпретации вопросов развития может помочь сохранить и развить социокультурную многополярность и сформировать нужный для государств региона феномен гражданства.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.