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Explanations for the rise of minority nationalist movements in advanced industrial societies tend toward being statist in character. In this paper, the procedures are examined by which minorities in Quebec and Wales have sought to offer an alternative basis for the legitimisation of group rights and participation within the state structures. Attention is drawn to the pivotal role of language reproduction in these case studies and to the implications for the survival of the minority culture of this new form of local state dependency. Though the tangible benefits which have accrued to the minorities as a result of nationalist mobilisation are acknowledged, disquiet is expressed as to the primacy given to language-related policies and to the future prospect of extending the legitimacy of the minority tongue from public to private domains. In this respect, Quebec offers a more integrative pattern than Wales, where language intrusion is causing conflict within the Welsh-speaking minority and is creating new sources of class-based friction. However, it is concluded that both in Wales and in Quebec the reform of language policy is part of a wider restructuring of social and political relationships. Further research is clearly needed on the economic implications of language planning and on the class restructuring which postwar developments have produced within the Welsh and Québecois societies.

"Die 'Autonomen Nationalisten' sind eine ästhetisch-stilistische und strategisch-aktionistische Neuerung im deutschen Neonazismus. Durch die Adaption linker Codes und Inszenierungsformen hat er sein Auftreten modernisiert." (Autorenreferat)

Die militanten russischen Nationalisten sind ein kleiner, aber nach den Ereignissen im Donbas politisch überaus wichtiger Bestandteil der großen Bewegung russischer Nationalisten. Diese komplex organisierte und hinsichtlich ihrer Zusammensetzung vielfältige gesellschaftlich-politische Bewegung, die in den 2000er Jahren in den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken und in Russland aktiv war, wurde dann im Großen und Ganzen unter die Kontrolle der Präsidialadministration Putins genommen. Gegenwärtig ergibt sich ein ambivalentes Bild: Der militante Teil der Bewegung, zu dem die Radikalen gehören – hauptsächlich Veteranen unterschiedlicher Truppen für »besondere Einsätze« – verursacht dem Apparat des Regimes in Russland Kopfschmerzen, während er gleichzeitig auch als Reserve für unkonventionelle Kriege jenseits der russischen Grenzen dient.

Die militanten russischen Nationalisten sind ein kleiner, aber nach den Ereignissen im Donbas politisch überaus wichtiger Bestandteil der großen Bewegung russischer Nationalisten. Diese komplex organisierte und hinsichtlich ihrer Zusammensetzung vielfältige gesellschaftlich-politische Bewegung, die in den 2000er Jahren in den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken und in Russland aktiv war, wurde dann im Großen und Ganzen unter die Kontrolle der Präsidialadministration Putins genommen. Gegenwärtig ergibt sich ein ambivalentes Bild: Der militante Teil der Bewegung, zu dem die Radikalen gehören – hauptsächlich Veteranen unterschiedlicher Truppen für »besondere Einsätze« – verursacht dem Apparat des Regimes in Russland Kopfschmerzen, während er gleichzeitig auch als Reserve für unkonventionelle Kriege jenseits der russischen Grenzen dient.

Abstract. Nationalism often involves risky and violent action. This has led many scholars to believe that its roots must be irrational. This attribution is ambiguous, however, because it fails to distinguish between two quite different meanings of the term 'irrational'. In principle, nationalism can emanate either from social or from individual irrationality. Only the latter kind of irrationality is theoretically provocative, however. The hallmark of rational individual action lies in its instrumentality. Whereas many aspects of nationalism have been analysed successfully using instrumental behavioral assumptions, nationalist violence has been a significant exception. This article offers a framework for the explanation of nationalist violence in instrumental terms. It concludes by suggesting that the temptation to view nationalism as an outcome of individual irrationality should be resisted.

In 1928, the newly established Nationalist government faced the formidable task of rebuilding the country after years of political disintegration. The central concern was national strengthening and modernization, and the government embarked on various programs of political, social and economic reconstruction. Medical modernization was part of this process. A study of the Nationalist efforts in this area is crucial to our understanding of the complexity of health developments in modern China since the Nationalist decade of 1928–1937 was the only period in pre-1949 China when a central government was able to assert some measure of control over the nation and preside over the construction of a modern health system. This process would include not only the initiation of new programs but also the consolidation and coordination of efforts on the part of individual reformers and groups. The examination of the evolution of such a system will illuminate a much neglected but important aspect of social and institutional developments in the Republican period. It will also lend historical perspective to the understanding of health developments after 1949. This essay focuses on the development and implementation of rural health programs in the Nationalist decade as well as the factors affecting the establishment of a viable health care system in the countryside.

This article re-examines Herder's status as one of the founders of nationalism in the light of both older and more recent literature. The article focuses specifically on Herder's position with regard to the classical nationalist thesis that state and nationality should be coterminous. It argues that a close reading of Herder's oft cited and most explicit statement apparently lending support to this thesis has been misunderstood. The existing literature underestimates Herder's concern regarding the question of governance. For Herder there can be no case for statehood without just governance. As earlier drafts of his work confirm, Herder was deeply critical of the states he knew and denounced their overly bureaucratic and despotic character. He thought that nations could and should exist without being states. Depending on the circumstances, however, states might fulfil temporary functions to strengthen and preserve the national character, that most essential attribute of every nation. For Herder the diversity of nations is an insurance against despotism. It is not a licence for the creation of states.