The challenge we face today is not one of authoritarianism, as so many seem inclined to believe, but of nationalist oligarchy. This form of government feeds populism to the people, delivers special privileges to the rich and well-connected, and rigs politics to sustain its regime. Nationalist oligarchy is an existential threat to American democracy. The countries already under its thrall steal technology and use economic power as political leverage. Some of them are actively trying to undermine democracy, through cyber attacks, hacking, and social media disinformation. And they spread bribery and corruption around the world—deepening inequality and threatening to turn our democracy into an oligarchy. American foreign policy needs to reorient itself to focus on this threat. In this new era, the central organizing principle for foreign policy should be to defend democracy by rebuilding political and economic democracy domestically, selectively disengaging from nationalist oligarchies in critical sectors, and deepening security and economic cooperation with other democracies.
The elections to the Basque and Catalan Parliaments held i n the early months of 1984 constituted an important moment i n the development of the decentralised structures of the Spanish 'State of the Autonomies', created under the democratic Constitution of 1978. These were the second such elections i n the Basque Country and Catalonia since the grant of Autonomy Statutes i n December 1979. The results revealed not only a changing balance of forces within these regions (or 'nations', as Basque and Catalan nationalists insist), b u t also new tendencies which may affect the political situation i n Spain as a whole. ; Peer reviewed
On cover: 2. eÌd. ; "Note bibliographique": p. [5]-6. ; La raison du nationalisme -- L'apotheÌose de l'intelligence -- L'humiliation de la raison -- Conciliation -- Ordre et critique. L'ordre social -- Ordre et critique. L'ordre mental. Nationalisme et raison -- L'ordre mental, suite. Nationalisme et veÌriteÌ -- L'ordre mental, fin. Nationalisme et ideÌalisme. Politique et morale -- Conclusion. Politique et eÌconomique -- Appendice: Maurice BarreÌ€s, eÌducateur. ; Mode of access: Internet.
This paper was presented at the IV Congreso de la Asociación Española de Ciencia Política y de la Administración, Granada, 30 September 1999. ; This paper attempts to throw new light on the nature of the vote for non-state wide parties that articulate a peripheral nationalism. The vote for these nationalist parties, at least in Western Europe, has been traditionally explained by the impact of a regional identity that is different from the dominant type of identity in the state in which that nationalist vote takes place. It is not the purpose of this paper to explain why these distinct identities become politically salient. This may be due to rapid processes of modernisation, to massive migration movements, to the position of inferiority that a minority language (to which regional minorities are often linked) holds in society, or to a combination of some or all these different elements. The aim of this paper is more modest: once identities are formed, settled and even cohabit peacefully; once parties emerge to articulate these identities; once party systems adapt to them: does the option to vote for a nationalist party depend exclusively, or even principally, on the type of identity the elector holds? ; Peer reviewed
The recent rise in the popularity of nationalist movements tells us that more attention should be paid to the effects of national feeling on politics. This article considers the potential relationship between national identity and active and allegiant citizenship and particularly whether nationalists and patriots are better citizens than those who have weaker feelings towards their country. We analyze these relationships using data from the European Values Study in 2008 and 2017. Our main models control for a variety of political, social, and economic causes of good citizenship and include country fixed effects in addition to three measures of national feeling. Our findings indicate that civic national identity is connected with better citizenship on virtually all of our outcomes, whereas ethnic national identity is frequently connected with worse citizenship. We explain these results using social identity theory and theories of prejudice. The results suggest that politicians ignore or downplay national feeling at their peril. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 822304.
In: Bislev , A K 2014 , ' Nationalist Netizens in China : Online Historical Memory ' , Journal of China and International Relations , vol. 2 , no. 1 , pp. 117-136 . https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i1.610
The Chinese government is currently performing a delicate act of balance: attempting to foster a "healthy" nationalism among the young generation in China while at the same time having to deal with the at times rather loud and uncompromising expression of this nationalism online. By examining examples of online debates on issues of national interest, the Spratly Islands and the animosity between a Chinese and a Japanese child, this article discusses the use of historical imagery in online historical debates and demonstrates a linkage between the version of Chinese history promulgated in the so-called patriotic education campaign and the rhetoric used online. Even though the viewpoints expressed in the two debates vary widely, the central theme of how to deal with China's past is plays a strong role in both debates. I argue that though the Chinese government has been rather successful in promoting this reliance on a certain historical perspective to understand present day China's place in the world, the online nationalist expressions take on a life of their own partly due to China's very special Internet culture.
The return of religion to Russia as early as the 1990s is opposed not only to the alleged lack of ideal society (which is the so-called post-modernist vision), but also to the influence of Western culture. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the search for 'the Russian idea' requires the redefinition of national identity. In literary criticism, as in other areas of public life, national identity is inseparable from its spiritual dimension. It is built according to a rather complex system with binary oppositions, including the main camps: patriots/Democrats; post-modernist/realistic; religious/secular. The article explores three fields of investigation: — 'patriots' Nash Sovremennik and Moskva; — 'Democrats': Novy Mir, Znamia, Druzhba Narodov, Zvezda, Oktiabr, etc. — the 'religious' magazine Kontinent. ; Le retour du religieux en Russie dès les années 1990 s'oppose non seulement à la prétendue absence d'idéal de la société (ce qui est la vision dite postmoderniste), mais aussi à l'influence de la culture occidentale. Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, la recherche de « l'idée russe » passe par la redéfinition de l'identité nationale. Dans la critique littéraire, comme dans les autres domaines de la vie publique, l'identité nationale est inséparable de sa dimension spirituelle. Elle se construit selon un système assez complexe et mouvant d'oppositions binaires, dont on peut citer les camps principaux : patriotes/démocrates ; postmodernistes/réalistes ; religieux/laïques. L'article explore trois champs d'investigation :– les revues « patriotes » Nash Sovremennik et Moskva ;– les revues « démocrates » : Novy Mir, Znamia, Druzhba Narodov, Zvezda, Oktiabr, etc.– la revue « religieuse » Kontinent .
International audience ; La Grande Famine n'a pas épargné les mouvements nationalistes. À l'été 1846, alors que le mildiou ravage les cultures, une crise au sein de la Repeal Association conduit à une scission qui confirme son déclin. Quelques mois plus tard, Daniel O'Connell, son chef charismatique disparaît. Plus généralement, face à la famine, les nationalistes vont de déconvenues et déconvenues. Les tenants de la voie constitutionnelle peinent à se faire entendre à Londres et à peser sur les décisions du gouvernement, tandis qu'une tentative d'insurrection armée avorte et qu'un projet inédit visant à davantage investir le terrain socio-économique fait lui aussi long feu. Cet article propose de faire retour sur ces échecs, de livrer quelques pistes pour les expliquer et de mettre en débat l'hypothèse suivante : si la Grande Famine a constitué un tournant majeur dans de nombreux domaines, c'est peut-être moins fondamentalement le cas, à court terme, pour l'histoire du nationalisme en Irlande, au regard notamment des transformations majeures qui avaient eu lieu au cours des deux ou trois décennies précédentes
International audience ; During the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, cultures and ethnic identities such as the Catalonian and Basque ones were ignored or directly rejected by the legal and political system. After the transition to democracy this situation profoundly changed. The 1978 Constitution granted democratic institutions, endorsed the principles of freedom and equality, and allowed a high degree of self-government in regions with a specific ethnic identity. These changes did not fulfil all the demands and expectations of sub-state nationalist parties and organizations, and new demands appeared also in the following years. Influenced by an ideological debate which started in Spain in the early nineties, in the beginning of the newmillennium the two major Spanish parties declared Constitutional Patriotism as the referent for a new inclusive Spanish national identity. During these and later years, nationalist-based tensions and conflicts have not ceased. Instead peripheral nationalist movements have increased the scope of their demands, which include more and more often the right to self-determination.The question arises as to what is the reason for this failure. One possible explanation is that the Spanish version of Constitutional Patriotism did not follow some of the principles advocated in its original theoretical formulation. Another possible perspective is that, in general terms, Constitutional Patriotism may encounter important problems when it is applied to practical situations, the Spanish case being a particularly illustrative example. ; Pendant la dictature de Francisco Franco, les cultures et les identités ethniques comme ceux de Catalogne et Pays Basque ont été ignorés ou directement rejetées en Espagne par le système juridique et politique. Après la transition vers la démocratie cette situation a profondément changé. La Constitution de 1978 a etabli des institutions démocratiques, garanti les principes de liberté et d'égalité, et permis un degré élevé d'autonomie dans les régions avec une ...
Books on Southeast Asian nationalist movements make very little — if any — mention of women in their ranks. Biographical studies of politically active women in Southeast Asia are also rare. This book makes a strong case for the significance of women's involvement in nationalist movements. The authors show women negotiating their own subjectivity and agency at the confluence of colonialism, patriarchal traditions, and modern ideals of national and personal emancipation. They also illustrate the constraints imposed on them by wider social and political structures, and show what it was like to live as a political activist in different times and places Fully documented and drawing on wider scholarship, this book will be of interest to students of Southeast Asian history and politics as well as readers with a particular interest in women, nationalism and political activism.
Österreicher im Spanischen Bürgerkrieg auf Seite der Nationalistenvon Jakob MatschekoDie vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Rolle der Österreicher im Spanischen Bürgerkrieg auf Seite der Nationalisten. Im Vordergrund stehen Unterstützungsleistungen aller Art, die von Österreichern dem nationalistischen Spanien zugingen, sei es in Form von Waffenlieferungen, moralischer Unterstützung, finanziellen Hilfeleistungen, diplomatischer Unterstützung oder eben durch den persönlichen Einsatz im Bürgerkrieg. Zudem wird versucht, die persönlichen Motive, ideologischen und sozialen Hintergründe und ökonomischen Möglichkeiten dieser Personen zu erforschen. Ferner wird auf die Frage eingegangen, von welchen österreichischen Gruppierungen die Nationalisten in der Zeit des Ständestaatregimes Unterstützung erwarten konnten. Explizit werden die Heimwehrbewegung, die Monarchisten, die Katholische Kirche, das Bundesheer ? insbesondere nach dessen Überführung in die Wehrmacht ?, und vor allem die Medien als Meinung machende, aber auch vorherrschende Meinungen widerspiegelnde Institutionen untersucht. Zu drei Männern, die sich bei Ausbruch des Bürgerkrieges in Spanien aufhielten und sich freiwillig und aktiv im Sinne der Nationalisten betätigten, wurden detaillierte biografische Studien vorgenommen. Hierbei handelt es sich um den Journalisten und Sachbuchautor Anton Zischka, den Aristokraten Johann Jacob Revertera sowie den Diplomaten und Geschäftsmann Wilhelm Wakonigg.Ebenso erforscht wird die Frage der Österreicher in der Legion Condor, wobei insbesondere die Beteiligung von Mitgliedern der Österreichischen Legion, also der Exilorganisation der österreichischen SA in Deutschland, untersucht wird. Bei der Erforschung des Themas wurden Quellen aus dem Militärarchiv Freiburg, dem Archiv des Deutschen Museums München, dem Schlossarchiv Helfenberg, der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek und dem Österreichischen Staatsarchiv ausgewertet. ; Austrians in the Spanish Civil War on the side of the nationalistsby Jakob MatschekoThe present study examines the role of the Austrians in the Spanish Civil War on the Nationalist side. The focus is on support of all kinds, which the Austrians gave to nationalist Spain, whether in the form of arms shipments, moral support, financial assistance, diplomatic support or by fighting in the civil war. In addition, an attempt is made to explore the personal motives, ideological and social backgrounds and economic opportunities for these people.The question of which austrian groups Franco could expect support in the time of the corporate state regime is also asked. Especially the Heimwehr- movement, the monarchists, the Catholic Church, the Armed Forces and especially the media as opinion-making institutions are beeing examined.To three men who were staying in Spain at the outbreak of the civil war and voluntarily and actively operated in accordance with the nationalists, detailed biographical studies have been made. These men are the journalist and author Anton Zischka, the aristocratic Johann Jacob Revertera and the diplomat and businessman William Wakonigg.Furthermore Austrians in the Condor Legion are examined, and in particular the participation of members of the Austrian Legion, the exile organization of the Austrian SA in Germany is studied.In researching the topic sources from the Militärarchiv Freiburg, the archives of the Deutsche Museum in Munich, the Schlossarchiv Helfenberg, the Austrian National Library and the Austrian State Archives were evaluated. ; vorgelegt von Jakob Matscheko ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)226739
The decade between 1950-1960 was a decisive period for both the coloniser and the nationalist movement in Kenya. After the world wars which had devastated her economy, Britain was confronted by the unsustainability of the empire, while the nationalist movement agitated for self-governance and self-determination. Anchored on the theory of New historicism, particularly on Stephen Greenblatt's historicities of texts and textualities of history and Hayden White's historical emplotment the article employs the methodology of explorative reading to interrogate autobiographies, biographies and historical accounts of that transitive period with a view to explicate the nationalist movement's vision and programme of action. The article argues that the three streams of the nationalist movement: the political prisoners in detention; political party agitation and military insurgence were asynchronous and in some cases at cross purposes. Further, even within each stream were aggravated personal rivalries: Kenyatta/ Kaggia, Odinga/ Mboya and Kimathi/ Mathenge which blurred clarity for a nation state ideology. The coloniser exploited this discordance to imperil the nationalists' agenda for self independence and firmed up continued post-colonial subjugation under a neocolonial framework. The article suggests re-instantiation of nationalist frameworks for self-governance and determination in view of the cacophonic global political order.
The Chinese government is currently performing a delicate act of balance: attempting to foster a "healthy" nationalism among the young generation in China while, at the same time, having to deal with the at times rather loud and uncompromising expression of this nationalism online. By examining examples of online debates on issues of national interest; in this case the Spratly Islands and the animosity between a Chinese and a Japanese child, this article discusses the use of historical imagery in online historical debates and demonstrates a linkage between the version of Chinese history promulgated in the so-called patriotic education campaign and the rhetoric used online. Even though the viewpoints expressed in the two debates vary widely, the central theme of how to deal with China's past plays a strong role in both debates. I argue that though the Chinese government has been rather successful in promoting this reliance on a certain historical perspective to understand present day China's place in the world, the online nationalist expressions take on a life of their own partly due to China's very special internet culture.
