Suchergebnisse

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

Am 5. Juli 2012 feiert Algerien mit zahlreichen Großveranstaltungen den 50. Jahrestag der Unabhängigkeit von Frankreich. Nach einem blutigen Unabhängigkeitskrieg (1954- 1962) hatte das Land unter Führung der Nationalen Befreiungsfront (FLN) das Selbstbestimmungsrecht erkämpft. Der Jahrestag der Unabhängigkeit hat in Algerien eine Flut von Publikationen und Debattenbeiträgen ausgelöst, in denen die politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche postkoloniale Entwicklung des ressourcenreichen Landes bilanziert wird. Die 1954 eingeleitete "algerische Revolution" gilt angesichts der strukturellen Defizite in den Augen der meisten algerischen Analysten als gescheitert, zumindest als unvollendet. Das politische System ist zwar seit der Verfassungsreform von 1989 plural, die FLN und insbesondere die Nationale Volksarmee stellen aber immer noch die dominanten Akteure dar, deren Führung als Vetomacht fungiert. Die Staatsführung hat bislang mit Repressionen, Kooptation und Subventionspolitik eine effektive Opposition und demokratische Reformen verhindert. Die Wirtschaft lässt sich als eine auf der Extraktion von Erdöl und Erdgas basierende Rentenökonomie charakterisieren, die voll im Dienst des staatlichen Neopatrimonialismus steht. Die daraus resultierenden negativen Auswirkungen werden durch die Nachwirkungen des sozialistischen Entwicklungsexperimentes verschärft; zugleich gibt es Tendenzen zu einem Wirtschaftsnationalismus. Die politischen Umbrüche in Nordafrika, als "Arabischer Frühling" bezeichnet, hatten bislang nur minimale Rückwirkungen auf Algerien, weil die fragmentierte Opposition zu keiner koordinierten Aktion fähig war und ist. Angesichts der Erfahrungen des Bürgerkrieges der 1990er Jahre stellten die islamistischen Parteien bei der Parlamentswahl im Mai 2012 keine Alternative dar.

Im Jahre 1954 verkündete Indiens erster Premierminister Jawaharlal Nehru, dass Staudämme die "Tempel des modernen Indiens" seien. Ausgehend von der These, dass dieser Aussage eine "developmental imagination" zugrunde liegt, die bis heute ein auffälliges Merkmal vieler Diskurse zu Großprojekten in Indien ist, und dass die Medien eine wichtige Rolle darin spielen, diese Diskurse zu zeichnen, betrachtet die Dissertation die Frage, wie große Wasserinfrastrukturprojekte in der indischen Medienlandschaft dargestellt werden. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wird in der Dissertation eine Medienanalyse durchgeführt, bei welcher die Berichterstattung zum Indischen River Linking Projekt (NRLP) und zu zwei Vorhaben, die im Rahmen des NRLP stattfinden (Ken-Betwa und Polavaram), im Fokus stehen. Das 168-Milliarden Dollar teure NRLP Projekt ist das weltweit größte sich im Bau befindliche Wasserprojekt und sieht den Bau vieler Staudämme und Verbindungskanäle vor. Kontrovers debattiert wird das NRLP insbesondere in Bezug auf die hohen ökologischen und sozialen Kosten: Nach einer historischen Einbettung des Themas wird die Medienanalyse anhand einer Auswahl an Zeitungs- und Zeitschriftenartikeln aus dem Zeitraum 2000 bis 2016 durchgeführt. Darüber hinaus beinhaltet die Arbeit ein Kapitel, welches sich auf Feldforschung im Polavaram Staudammgebiet bezieht, um Perspektiven, die ansonsten in Mediendiskursen häufig marginalisiert werden, aufzuzeigen; die der von Umsiedelung betroffenen Communities. Die Dissertation zeigt das Kontinuum der "developmental imaginations" in Indiens Diskursen zu großen Infrastrukturprojekten auf, weist auf die Machthierarchien hin, die ausschlaggebend dafür sind, wem die Möglichkeit zukommt sich überhaupt an Diskursen zu beteiligen, und hebt politische Narrative hervor, die in dem Kontext eine starke Verbindung zu "Nationbuilding" oder "Statebuilding" Diskursen aufweisen. ; In 1954 India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru proclaimed dams to be the "temples of modern India". Based on the theses that this "developmental imagination" so visible in Nehru's statement continues to be a prominent feature in discourses on large scale infrastructure projects in India until today, and that the media plays an important role in shaping these public discourses, the dissertation considers the question of how large scale water infrastructure schemes are covered within the Indian media landscape. To answer that question, a media analysis is conducted which focuses on the reporting on the Indian National River Linking Project (NRLP) and on two schemes being implemented under the NRLP: The Ken-Betwa and the Polavaram Dam Projects. The 168-billion-dollar NRLP project is the world's largest water project in the making and includes the construction of several dams. It is designed to connect the majority of Indian rivers to a gigantic water grid. It is controversially debated, especially with regard of ecological and social costs. After a historical embedding of the topic, the media analysis is conducted through a choice of magazines and newspapers in a time period from 2000 until 2016. Furthermore, the dissertation incorporates a chapter based on field work in the Polavaram Dam area in order to shed light on perspectives often marginalised in the media discourses: those of the affected communities. The dissertation reveals the continuum of developmental imaginations in the discourses on India's large scale infrastructure projects until today, points out how power hierarchies are at work with regard to who is able to participate in the discourses and who is not, and highlights narratives closely linked to ideas of nation- or statebuilding that are used by politicians within the media discourses.

SUMMARY:
The "Methodology and Theory" section of the current issue features the publication (in Russian translation) of the exchange between Harvard historian Roman Szproluk and Polish historian Andrzej Nowak on the question of whether Polish historical experience may be interpreted with the help of the concept of empire. This exchange aroused interest on the side of Ukrainian historian Andriy Portnov, who together with Szporluk and Nowak contributed to the second round of exchange on questions that arose from the first exchange between Szporluk and Nowak.

The initial exchange between Szporluk and Nowak was spearheaded by questions by Nowak on the applicability of the concept of empire to the history of Rzeczpospolita . This exchange revealed the problematic nature of attempts at a monolithic definition of empire, and signaled the principal epistemological difficulty of rendering the pre-national reality in a language permeated with the discourse of nationalism. Szporluk insisted on the political dimension in the analytical concept of empire, that is, on the inequitable relationship between the core and periphery, which makes it difficult to apply the concept of empire to the history of Polish Commonwealth. Yet, he also acknowledged the lack of a conceptual vocabulary to describe the heterogeneous reality of this polity and society without falling into the fallacy of taking Polish language and culture as congruent with the Polish ethnic group. The evolved discourse revealed two prevalent conceptualizations of empire in Polish historical thinking: one that makes Muscovy and the Russian empire as a referential case of empire; and another that is linked to the conceptual revolution of Polish National Democracy, which relegated the history of Rzeczpospolita to the type of history of pre-modern and multiethnic polities.

Szporluk and Nowak also addressed in their exchange the question of comparative analysis of the history of Polish nationhood, including the impossibility of working with a Manichean dichotomy of Western (advanced) and Eastern (backward) development of nation-building, and the case of Ukrainian nationbuilding in its past and present.

In responses from the second round, participants gave a detailed explanation of their intellectual positions on the question of modernity and the perception of modern historical development as neatly congruent with the processes of nation-formation.

Joining the discussion, Andriy Portnov provides an analysis of changes in historiography of the historic role of Rzeczpospolita in the region of Eastern Europe from the perspective of Ukrainian, Byelorussian, and Lithuanian history writing. Portnov notes that history of Rzeczpospolita changed its interpretation in the abovementioned historiographies from the principal Other to that of the modal frame of common European historical experience of the lands of Eastern Europe (with the partial exception of Ukrainian historical writing). He further notes that though this historiographic reorientation helped to correct the national and Soviet ideological distortions of the historical representation of the past, it also brought about modernization of this past in the framework of neo-romantic and politically loaded myths of Polish political thought.

The book icons of nations is dealing with the transformation processes in ex-Yugoslavia in the early 90s that is focussing on the national myths and their heroes and heroins in the region and their representation in visual culture. - Die Studie befasst sich auf intervisuelle Weise mit den sich in den 1990er Jahren veräußernden Transformationsprozessen nationaler Mythen im ex-jugoslawischen Raum und deren Auswirkung auf die Identitätsbildung von ethnischen Gruppen und Kollektiven.

Метою цієї статті є висвітлення одного з яскравих моментів у процесі залучення козацьких місцин у меморіальний простір – екскурсії членів Одеського відділу Імператорського Російського військово-історичного товариства, яка відбулася у травні 1909 р. Зроблено висновок, що подорож одеситів по козацьких місцевостях Дніпра під керівництвом Д.І. Яворницького зміцнила співпрацю між одеським та катеринославським центрами історичної науки, була одним з важливих епізодів процесу складної взаємодії різних чинників у формуванні історичної пам'яті про українську історію, козацтво. ; Целью этой статьи является освещение одного из ярких моментов в процессе оформления мемориального пространства – экскурсии членов Одесского отделения Императорского Русского военно-исторического общества, которая состоялась в мае 1909 года. Сделан вывод, что путешествие одесситов по казацким местностям Днепра под руководством Д. И. Яворницкого укрепила сотрудничество между одесским и екатеринославским центрами исторической науки, была одним из важных эпизодов сложного процесса взаимодействия различных факторов в формировании исторической памяти об украинской истории и казачестве. ; On the territory of the steppe part of the Southern Ukraine, the attention of scientists and the public attracted and attracted the places where the activities of the Ukrainian Cossacks unfolded, its cradle – Zaporozhchina, Sicheslavshchina. At the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. first of all thanks to the efforts of the Titans of historiographical, ethnographic, literary and mytho-poetic ideological creativity Y. P. Novitsky, A. F. Kashchenko, D. I. Yavornytsky, this place seemed to be "debunked", which made it a new, attractive, color for many of their contemporaries, and acquired the signs of sacredness that remains to this day, despite the catastrophic consequences of flooding with man-made reservoirs. Today, there are projects of physical revival, liberation from the watercourses, these territories, which, of course, will rebuild not only archaeological and scientifichistorical research, but also the symbolic-memorial movement with renewed vigor.The purpose of this article is to highlight one of the brightest moments in the process of involving Cossack places in the memorial space – excursions there the members of the Odesa branch of the Imperial Russian Military Historical Society, which took place in May 1909. The appeal to this episode is due to the fact that it covers a few important aspects: the little-known activity of the military society and the part of the biography of "Cossack father" D. I. Yavornytsky. Thus, a trip to the members of the Odessa Military Society in the Cossack places of the Dnieper under the leadership of D.I. Yavornytsky strengthened cooperation between the Odesa and Katerynoslav centers of historical science, which was clearly reflected during the Katerynoslav archaeological congress in 1905. In a more global sense, the journey is one of the important episodes of the complex interaction process of various factors in shaping the historical memory of Ukrainian history, the Cossacks. Members of the Odesa Military Society were sympathizers of imperial patriotism, however, their journey and subsequent activity on perpetuating the memory of the Cossacks was advantageous for the Ukrainian model of nationbuilding. This process was skillfully moderated by such a charismatic leader as D. I. Yavornytsky Thus, we see an illustration of the importance of the personal factor in history, the great role of romantic representations in historical research.

Метою цієї статті є висвітлення одного з яскравих моментів у процесі залучення козацьких місцин у меморіальний простір – екскурсії членів Одеського відділу Імператорського Російського військово-історичного товариства, яка відбулася у травні 1909 р. Зроблено висновок, що подорож одеситів по козацьких місцевостях Дніпра під керівництвом Д.І. Яворницького зміцнила співпрацю між одеським та катеринославським центрами історичної науки, була одним з важливих епізодів процесу складної взаємодії різних чинників у формуванні історичної пам'яті про українську історію, козацтво. ; Целью этой статьи является освещение одного из ярких моментов в процессе оформления мемориального пространства – экскурсии членов Одесского отделения Императорского Русского военно-исторического общества, которая состоялась в мае 1909 года. Сделан вывод, что путешествие одесситов по казацким местностям Днепра под руководством Д. И. Яворницкого укрепила сотрудничество между одесским и екатеринославским центрами исторической науки, была одним из важных эпизодов сложного процесса взаимодействия различных факторов в формировании исторической памяти об украинской истории и казачестве. ; On the territory of the steppe part of the Southern Ukraine, the attention of scientists and the public attracted and attracted the places where the activities of the Ukrainian Cossacks unfolded, its cradle – Zaporozhchina, Sicheslavshchina. At the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. first of all thanks to the efforts of the Titans of historiographical, ethnographic, literary and mytho-poetic ideological creativity Y. P. Novitsky, A. F. Kashchenko, D. I. Yavornytsky, this place seemed to be "debunked", which made it a new, attractive, color for many of their contemporaries, and acquired the signs of sacredness that remains to this day, despite the catastrophic consequences of flooding with man-made reservoirs. Today, there are projects of physical revival, liberation from the watercourses, these territories, which, of course, will rebuild not only archaeological and scientifichistorical research, but also the symbolic-memorial movement with renewed vigor.The purpose of this article is to highlight one of the brightest moments in the process of involving Cossack places in the memorial space – excursions there the members of the Odesa branch of the Imperial Russian Military Historical Society, which took place in May 1909. The appeal to this episode is due to the fact that it covers a few important aspects: the little-known activity of the military society and the part of the biography of "Cossack father" D. I. Yavornytsky. Thus, a trip to the members of the Odessa Military Society in the Cossack places of the Dnieper under the leadership of D.I. Yavornytsky strengthened cooperation between the Odesa and Katerynoslav centers of historical science, which was clearly reflected during the Katerynoslav archaeological congress in 1905. In a more global sense, the journey is one of the important episodes of the complex interaction process of various factors in shaping the historical memory of Ukrainian history, the Cossacks. Members of the Odesa Military Society were sympathizers of imperial patriotism, however, their journey and subsequent activity on perpetuating the memory of the Cossacks was advantageous for the Ukrainian model of nationbuilding. This process was skillfully moderated by such a charismatic leader as D. I. Yavornytsky Thus, we see an illustration of the importance of the personal factor in history, the great role of romantic representations in historical research.

Рассматриваются основные направления национальной политики Советского государства в Казахстане. Основное внимание уделено проблемам политики коренизации управленческого аппарата и практике землеустройства, вызвавших обострение межэтнических отношений в середине 1920-х гг. Попытка свертывания национальной политики начала 1920-х гг. столкнула Сталина и сторонников курса на жесткую централизацию страны и разжигание классовой войны в деревне и в кочевом ауле с национал-коммунистами, защищавших кочевой образ жизни и традиционный культурный порядок. Разгром национальной оппозиции в Казахстане в 1927-1928 гг. открыл дорогу для силовой модернизации казахстанского общества. ; The national policy of the Soviet state is the subject of intense research interest for many years. After winning, the Bolsheviks faced the need to find a fair solution of the national question. In the first years after the end of the Civil War their approaches to the settlement of inter-ethnic relations were revolutionary and were aimed at the integration of society and gaining the trust of the population of the national borderlands. The native research and Western sovietology have associated the "Golden Age" of Soviet nationality policy with the name of Lenin. Nationbuilding, indigenization management, land policy and cultural changes formed the core of the national policy of the Bolsheviks. The indigeniza-tion policy or positive discrimination in personnel policy has been an invention of the Bolsheviks, not of the Indian nationalists in the midtwentieth century. The indigenization policy included enforcing a series of measures intended to overcome the alienation of the Kazakh population in the new government, to attract Kazakhs to the government, and to modernize the social structure of the ethnic group through the framing of industrial workers. The indigenization was successfully carried out at the level of the republic's leadership which made it possible to carry out the ethnically oriented policy in the allocation of land reserves. It brought about the aggravation of inter-ethnic relations and the outflow of the "European" population of Kazakhstan. Since the mid-1920s the centralizing tendency prevailed associated with the formation of Stalin's autocratic regime. In the national policy significant adjustments were made that had to do with the lifting of the ban on the relocation from the European part of the country and the introduction of functional indigenization. These changes caused the conflict between the national-oriented communists and stalinists from the leadership of the Kazkraykom. National communists argued for the preservation of the nomadic communities and traditional cultural order of the Kazakh society. The defeat of the national opposition in 1927-28 opened the way to a gigantic social experiment at the turn of 1929-1930 that brought about the tragedy of collectivization. At the same time one cannot deny the significant progress that occurred in the 1920s in the solution of the national question in the USSR. In a short time the legal inequality of the Soviet peoples was liquidated. The Soviet government was consistently pursuing a policy of internationalism, reacted quickly enough to emerging issues and sought the real integration of Soviet peoples.