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The aim of this article is to analyse the efforts made by the OSCE to contribute to the political settlement of the Transdniestran conflict. As the OSCE is one of the mediators in this conflict, the article begins by considering theories of international mediation and explains the factors that influence the success or failure of mediation efforts. Following this theoretical part, the article continues with an analysis of these factors with respect to the conflict in Transdniestria. It deals with the nature of the Transdniestrian conflict and its causes, describes the parties involved, explains the historical background of the conflict, and analyses its international context, i.e. the role of third parties. The following chapter focuses on the nature of the mediator (i.e. the OSCE) and its mediation activities, and attempts to explain the OSCE's mediation efforts. The article concludes that the absence of a political settlement to the conflict results from a combination of factors that are both embedded in the nature of the conflict and in the nature of the mediator. Adapted from the source document.

In dem Schlußteil seiner geschichtlichen Betrachtungen befaßt sich der Autor zunächst mit der Revolution 1989 und ihrer psychologischen Reflexion im tschechischen Volk. Daraufhin versucht er, aus der Gesamtheit des von ihm gezeichneten historischen Bildes einige allgemeinere Schußfolgerungen zu ziehen. Im Hinblick auf die Frage nach der tschechischen Identität: Die gesamte historische Entwicklung der tschechischen Nation und des tschechischen Staates weist auf drei Grundideen hin - Integration, Humanität und Glauben. Im Hinblick auf die Problematik des Nationalismus und Internationalismus: Eine der stärksten Treibkräfte der geschichtlichen Entwicklung ist die Integration. Sie beruhe in der Vereinigung (nicht aber der Unifizierung!) von Individuen, Familien, Stämmen, Ethniken, Staaten und Kontinenten mit dem Ziel einer Harmonisierung der menschlichen Gattung mit der sie umgebenden Natur, mit dem Weltall und - wenn man so will - mit Gott. Diese Optik sei in den übrigen Interpretationen der Geschichte vernachläßigt bzw. ganz eliminiert. (BIOst-Hrs)

This article explores one of the key dimensions of EU actorness -- external recognition. First, it analyzes the four fundamental dimensions of EU actorness (recognition, legitimacy, framing, and attractiveness) and shows in what ways recognition is linked to the three other aspects of actorness. Second, our text tackles the four dilemmas related to the debate about the EU's external recognition. These dilemmas include the source of recognition (external vs. internal); the conditions of recognition (material vs. formal); the nature of recognition (voluntaristic vs. non-voluntaristic); and the extent of recognition (comprehensive vs. partial or issue-related). Finally, the article draws some theoretical conclusions from this debate. Adapted from the source document.

The article deals with the political theory of social movements, as formulated by several key thinkers of the Frankfurt School. The mode of their explanation of mobilization, nature, & political potential of social movements is derived from their general theories of society & societal change, associated with the decline of influence of the classic Marxist paradigm of political protest, & presented as an attribute of the increasing importance of culturally oriented collective action analysis in this tradition of political thought. The closing part highlights several crucial joint features of these approaches, thus emphasizing their existence as a distinctive, internally coherent, & analytically inspirational theoretical perspective. Adapted from the source document.

In 2004, the Council of Europe established, through an unprecedented method, the European Roma & Travellers Forum as a consultative assembly to represent Roma & similar groups on the pan-European level. The body has a unique hybrid nature. It has been established as a non-governmental organization, but it still functions as a body of the Council of Europe, the intergovernmental organization to which it is linked by contract & by which it is financed. The article discusses in detail these extraordinary developments. Taking as a starting point the multilevel governance approach, it uses distinct explanatory models -- the ideational theory & republican liberalism at the international level & the transnational advocacy networks approach at the infranational level -- to analyze these events. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents the idea that the social sciences are by nature normative & so simply cannot exist without normativeness at all. Their purpose is to understand & help solve social problems. The choices of issues, problems & questions are neither random nor objective, but are the results of normative consensus of their specific social-scientific discipline, as well as the greater social environment in which social scientists make them. This argument is applied to the polemics between Marek Louzek & Petr Drulak. I show that contrary to Louzek's assertions, the realism of E. H. Carr & Hans Morgenthau is strongly & explicitly normatively oriented. It is therefore unjustified to distinguish between normative idealists & scientific realists. The final section deals with the question what this conclusion means for the study of international relations. Adapted from the source document.

Negotiation is an important part of international relations when it covers the interaction among the states as its actors. Basically, we distinguish distributive bargaining and integrative problem-solving as two main approaches (or sets of strategies) in negotiation. Problem-solving seems to be more valuable in recognizing more effective solutions, but at the same time it is harder to adopt it. The main goal of this article is to find out which approach is typical for negotiation between member states of the European Union. By identifying the key determinants (level of politicization, nature of the question under negotiation, influence of sub-national and supranational actors, and interest cleavage) for the decision on the selection of an appropriate strategy, we argue that the context of the EU negotiation enables the identification of integrative solutions in a sufficient way. Adapted from the source document.

Owing to the collapse of Cold War security systems, nuclear weapons proliferation remains an issue that attracts significant attention from scholars. The falling technological threshold for "rogue" states and increasing availability to terrorists keeps proliferation high on the scientific agenda (although the situation in the Czech Republic differs considerably). The pivotal point of the debate is theory. This paper introduces and critically discusses the most important theoretical approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation. The text successively examines theories based on technological determinants, external determinants, domestic determinants and last but not least alternative approaches that take into account concepts such as identity, beliefs and norms. The conclusion of the paper is that single-variable approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation are unable to offer appropriate explanations of the issue. Research should reflect the multivariable nature of the subject. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the issue of the Czech Republic's (CR) membership in the European Union as regards the external dimension of security policy. The focus is on the participation of the CR in peace missions, both military & civilian, in the "out of area" zone. Military missions are a key aspect of foreign & security policy, & a part of the contemporary European Security & Defence Policy (ESDP). The framework of analysis utilizes the three-dimensional concept of politics -- polity, politics & policy. According to our analysis, the CR's participation in EU's missions is a predictable & natural outcome of Czech membership. The article also discusses the area of possible EU operations. The perimeter of the "closer neighbourhood" will play an important role in the future. However, other areas such as central Africa & some parts of Asia will also become the target of EU activities, mainly due to the nature of contemporary security threats. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The post-Keynesian approach to the nature of money brings some other conclusion to the monetary policy, independence of a central bank, & function of commercial banks. The source money is created by demand of businessmen especially. Loans create deposits, deposits create reserves. Central bank plays two roles: lender of last resort & inflation supervisor. Crediting by commercial banks & their credit policy in post-Keynesian economics is considered as credit rationing. If the role of central bank -- lender of last resort -- is not connected with changes of regulation, which reduce new practice of financial markets to avoid regulation, the influence of central bank to fight with inflation declines. Post-Keynesian economics is not directed against competence & independence of central bank. On the contrary, it welcomes the more direct influence of central bank on commercial banks & other financial institutions, however, with use of alternative limiting facilities. 2 Graphs, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on the role of the phenomenon of Euroscepticism in the issue of the legitimacy of the European Union (EU), namely on the relation between the current conceptualisation of Euroscepticism and the EU's ability to operate "imide" the system as a credible actor. The text is based on the analytical premise that the EU is not a static entity modeled on a national unitary state or federation, but a dynamic political system. The current definition of Euroscepticism, however, is based on the notion of the EU having a static nature and the existence of the finality of European integration process, which significantly affects the EU political system's ability to perform the basic functions of a functioning political system -- in particular the function of evaluation and (re)formulation of policy objectives. The most important consequence of this approach is the inability of the EU to receive any critical feedback and work with it as a relevant political input. Adapted from the source document.