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Negotiation is an important part of international relations when it covers the interaction among the states as its actors. Basically, we distinguish distributive bargaining and integrative problem-solving as two main approaches (or sets of strategies) in negotiation. Problem-solving seems to be more valuable in recognizing more effective solutions, but at the same time it is harder to adopt it. The main goal of this article is to find out which approach is typical for negotiation between member states of the European Union. By identifying the key determinants (level of politicization, nature of the question under negotiation, influence of sub-national and supranational actors, and interest cleavage) for the decision on the selection of an appropriate strategy, we argue that the context of the EU negotiation enables the identification of integrative solutions in a sufficient way. Adapted from the source document.

Owing to the collapse of Cold War security systems, nuclear weapons proliferation remains an issue that attracts significant attention from scholars. The falling technological threshold for "rogue" states and increasing availability to terrorists keeps proliferation high on the scientific agenda (although the situation in the Czech Republic differs considerably). The pivotal point of the debate is theory. This paper introduces and critically discusses the most important theoretical approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation. The text successively examines theories based on technological determinants, external determinants, domestic determinants and last but not least alternative approaches that take into account concepts such as identity, beliefs and norms. The conclusion of the paper is that single-variable approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation are unable to offer appropriate explanations of the issue. Research should reflect the multivariable nature of the subject. Adapted from the source document.

The analysis builds on existing empirical and theoretical literature in the field of job polarization, which is primarily focused on advanced economies. Hypotheses of the incidence of "skill-biased" and "routine-biased" technical change in the Visegrad group countries are verified in the analysis. The aim is to find out whether the impact of technical change on the labour market in the V4 countries is similar to or different than that in advanced economies. The analytical part is primarily performed on the EU-LFS. The results suggest that the structure of the labour market has changed in the V4 countries in a heterogeneous way. In Hungary and Slovakia, there was an apparent slight job polarization over the period under review. In addition, the evidence suggests that the technical change in these countries may be of a "routine-biased" nature. On the contrary, the pattern of "upgrading" was evident in the Czech Republic and Poland, where the evidence suggests "skill-biased" technical change.

The article examines the issue of the Czech Republic's (CR) membership in the European Union as regards the external dimension of security policy. The focus is on the participation of the CR in peace missions, both military & civilian, in the "out of area" zone. Military missions are a key aspect of foreign & security policy, & a part of the contemporary European Security & Defence Policy (ESDP). The framework of analysis utilizes the three-dimensional concept of politics -- polity, politics & policy. According to our analysis, the CR's participation in EU's missions is a predictable & natural outcome of Czech membership. The article also discusses the area of possible EU operations. The perimeter of the "closer neighbourhood" will play an important role in the future. However, other areas such as central Africa & some parts of Asia will also become the target of EU activities, mainly due to the nature of contemporary security threats. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The post-Keynesian approach to the nature of money brings some other conclusion to the monetary policy, independence of a central bank, & function of commercial banks. The source money is created by demand of businessmen especially. Loans create deposits, deposits create reserves. Central bank plays two roles: lender of last resort & inflation supervisor. Crediting by commercial banks & their credit policy in post-Keynesian economics is considered as credit rationing. If the role of central bank -- lender of last resort -- is not connected with changes of regulation, which reduce new practice of financial markets to avoid regulation, the influence of central bank to fight with inflation declines. Post-Keynesian economics is not directed against competence & independence of central bank. On the contrary, it welcomes the more direct influence of central bank on commercial banks & other financial institutions, however, with use of alternative limiting facilities. 2 Graphs, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Offers four strategies of deconstructing gender symbolism, one of the methods & goals of contemporary feminist theory & practice - politics. (1) Lesbianism denaturalizes the institutions of 'compulsory heterosexuality.' (2) One can question the belief that sexual violence is the natural expression of male aggression, & women are men's victims. A better strategy seems to be to take the violence as a discursive matter that can be redescribed. If the narrative about successful resistance prevails over the narrative of woman as a natural victim, the aggressor's expectations can be changed. (3) Beauty discourses lead women to be weak, unable to resist violence, & susceptible to mental diseases like anorexia. (4) Maternity discourses associate women with maternity & see a woman's body as the subject of necessary control by the psychomedical sciences. They form an idea of woman's nature that is invariable & unchangeable. This notion is questioned by feminism as a serious limit on women's agency.

The aim of the article is to otter a theoretically grounded explanation of the long-term continuity of Czech foreign policy. Czech foreign policy displays long-term continuity and consensus at the level of policy, but, at the same time, exhibits deep ideological differences among political and societal elites at the level of politics. The article argues against the mainstream (neo)liberal and (neo)realist theories that explain foreign policy outcomes in pure rationalist and materialist terms. Instead, the text follows the line of the critical constructivist school of International Relations and borrows heavily from post-structuralism. Thus, the article takes into account the ideational background of Czech foreign policy and argues that these deeply seated differences at the level of politics, stemming from mutually contradictory normative, philosophical and political beliefs, are subsequently neutralized by what is called the "hegemonic internationalist discourse". In this context, the article explores the origins, nature and consequences of the power of the hegemonic internationalist discourse. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on the role of the phenomenon of Euroscepticism in the issue of the legitimacy of the European Union (EU), namely on the relation between the current conceptualisation of Euroscepticism and the EU's ability to operate "imide" the system as a credible actor. The text is based on the analytical premise that the EU is not a static entity modeled on a national unitary state or federation, but a dynamic political system. The current definition of Euroscepticism, however, is based on the notion of the EU having a static nature and the existence of the finality of European integration process, which significantly affects the EU political system's ability to perform the basic functions of a functioning political system -- in particular the function of evaluation and (re)formulation of policy objectives. The most important consequence of this approach is the inability of the EU to receive any critical feedback and work with it as a relevant political input. Adapted from the source document.

After the fall of communist regimes at the turn of the 1990s, a new era of development began in many countries. The transformation from communism wasn't always successful. It is this unfinished transformation which is, as many authors argue, one of the characteristics of post-communism. Post-communist political culture struggles with a number of problems originating in the institutional structure of collapsed regimes. One of them is the high level of corruption. Corruption is not, of course, specific only to post-communist countries. However, as statistical data provided by various organizations show, corruption flourishes in these countries. Moreover, post-communist corruption takes certain forms which are absent in other countries. We may, therefore, classify these forms as the institutional and cultural heritage of communist regimes. The goal of this paper is to introduce the nature of corruption and the causes behind the high level of corruption in post-communist countries; to identify changes which have taken place since the demise of communist regimes; and to present some of the measures employed to fight corruption, as well as the difficulties related to these measures.

The article deals with the question of who is to be represented within the institutions of modern representative democracy and systemizes the answers on the basis of fundamental approaches in political theory which address this problem. The exploration is contextualized within recent debates on transnational democracy, where the issue of political representation acquires renewed relevance. The article first outlines the liberal theory of representation, identified primarily as having an individualistic nature although it does incorporate certain elements of group representation in the setting of the modern state. Subsequently, the article explores the conservative and communitarian theory of representation, which builds upon the notions of representation of collectivities as morally relevant subjects endowed with distinct interests of their own. Finally, it covers the radical democratic theory of representation, which emphasizes chiefly the themes of acknowledging group difference and the necessity of recognizing the claims of disadvantaged groups in the area of political representation. The article concludes by assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the respective approaches with regard to democratic functioning on the transnational level. Adapted from the source document.

The United States have been an important actor in the debate on the nature of the European integration process since the beginning of the process. Washington's policy, however, has always seemed equivocal: on one hand it actively supported and encouraged the process, but on the other hand it tried to contain some specific European ambitions and steer the process in a desirable direction. The objective of this article is to offer a possible explanation of the long-term US policy towards the European integration process. In the first part, it presents the theoretical concept of the US "regional hegemony strategy" and identifies four goals of the grand strategy within the limits of the concept. In the second part, it tests the validity of the concept on six historical case studies by confronting the intentions of the US policy in each case with the four identified strategic goals. The analysis shows that even though the focus of the American policy towards the European integration changes according to different historical context, the American policy follows the general tenets of the regional hegemony strategy. Adapted from the source document.

Although today national interest is a concept often deemed too old-fashioned for any relevant study of foreign policy or international relations, it is surprising how deeply embedded it is in practical political discourse. The aim of this article is therefore to recast the concept so as to make it a useful theoretical instrument again, hence renewing the conceptual link between the academic & practical discourses on the subject. The argument is divided into five steps: First, we will explain the realist account of national interest & its two major features -- essentialism & its non-normative nature. Second, we will dedicate some attention to the critics of the realist approach. Third, we will try to demonstrate that both sides of this debate have committed a fundamental error in considering national interest as a descriptive category. By pointing to the concept's historical evolution, we will show that national interest should be primarily understood as a normative concept. In the last two steps, we will couple the debate on interest to discussions in theories of democracy & set three criteria which must be met for interest to be considered legitimate. Adapted from the source document.

The following text is based on the outcomes of a long-term field research carried out in eastern Slovakia, and it focuses on the character and specifics of religiosity of the Romany settlements inhabitants. One of the characteristic features of this religiosity is the fact that its core is still based on magical practices while Christianity only covers it on the surface. We will attempt to document this feature by examining a particular example of a chosen institution, this institution being the ritual procedure of the oath at the cross. Even though this practice is commonly known and frequently mentioned in literature, we are of the opinion that most references have so far been of the character of a mere record without an attempt to comprehend its inner nature. Thus, our objective is to explore the intrinsic logic of this institution, which may moreover be helpful in terms of illuminating the whole of the religious system of the Romany settlements inhabitants because in many aspects it may be treated as a model example of a magical procedure concealed under the garb of Christianity. Consequently, this concrete consideration may be generally valid on the structural level.

This study deals with the phenomenon of paradiplomacy, or parallel diplomacy. Paradiplomacy refers to international activities of cities and regions and includes marketing and public diplomacy, cross-border cooperation, functional trans-border cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation, and other activities. Paradiplomacy developed in the last third of the 20th century as a result of economic globalization, state decentralization, nationalism and the strengthening of regional identity, European integration, and the internationalization of cultural, educational, environmental, transport and other topics labelled as "low politics". Thus, we can identify both economic and political foundations of paradiplomacy. The first part of the study presents a review of literature on paradiplomacy; the second part is a case study of foreign policy instituted by the City of Prague in the electoral term 2006-2010. This case study confirmed initial hypotheses: first, that paradiplomacy is influenced by three supra-national factors: economic globalization (a), regional and global political and economic regimes (b), and transnational networks, mainly based in the EU (c); second, that paradiplomacy is influenced by institutional and constitutional relations between the centre and regions; third, that paradiplomacy is influenced by the antagonistic nature of these relations. Adapted from the source document.