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In this article, we reinterpret the current political turn in animal rights theory in terms of republican as opposed to liberal political theory. By appealing to the values of liberty and fraternity as well as equality, we argue for a conception of animal liberation from human domination and not from humanity per se. This establishes a basis of liberty and fraternity in our cooperative relationships with animals in a "zoopolis," or interspecies political community. We contend that such a basis for interspecies political cooperation is not available on the more traditional model of animal liberation, where rights are derived from weak equality of the species.

När Förintelsen uppdagades i andra världskrigets slutskede, sköt de flesta européer allt ansvar ifrån sig: I Tyskland hade ingen varit nazist och i de andra länderna hade alla varit antifascister. Ingen hade någonsin varit antisemit. Så började efterkrigstidens hyckleri, som dominerar hållningen till Hitlertiden i Europa än i dag. Trots nöd och kaos fördes under de första efterkrigsåren i det besegrade och ockuperade Tyskland intensiva diskussioner kring frågan Varför kunde det ske? De visade att det finns många olika förklaringar till Förintelsen. I denna bok presenterar Barbro Eberan tio olika förklaringsmodeller och analyserar vilken funktion de fyllde efter krigsslutet och vilken roll de har spelat under efterkrigstiden fram till i dag. Boken vittnar om hennes sällsynta klarsynthet och unika förmåga att göra komplicerade sammanhang lättbegripliga. Lektyren är ett informativt nöje. Barbro Eberan, svensk medborgare men bosatt i Hamburg, är fil.dr i germanistik, vetenskapsjournalist och författare. Hon har arbetat internationellt med "skuldfrågan" i över 30 år och anlitats som expert av Europarådet. Hon har även belönats av Svenska Akademien. Sedan 2011 ger Eberan på Carlsson Bokförlag ut en bokserie: Tysk-europeisk historia i nazismens skugga. Fyra delar har redan publicerats. Föreliggande volym är den femte och avslutande delen och samtidigt en fristående bok, därför att den ger en sammanfattning av hela bokserien. Den visar tydligt hur aktuell skuldfrågan från Hitlertiden fortfarande är

Christer Bergström, internationellt ansedd expert på nazism och Nazityskland med ett 40-tal böcker bakom sig, presenterar här en genomgripande vetenskaplig jämförelse av Sverigedemokraterna och Hitlers nazistparti NSDAP som klart visar att SD är ett utpräglat nazistiskt parti. En blivande storsäljare under valåret! ("Christer Bergström, ein international anerkannter Experte für den Nationalsozialismus und das nationalsozialistische Deutschland mit rund 40 Büchern im Gepäck, legt einen gründlichen wissenschaftlichen Vergleich zwischen den Schwedendemokraten und Hitlers NSDAP vor, der deutlich zeigt, dass die SD eine eindeutig nationalsozialistische Partei ist. Ein zukünftiger Bestseller im Wahljahr!")

[Preface]This special issue of the journal Arkiv is the third volume in a series, Det vita fältet ("The white field"), that gathers Swedish and international research on the extreme or far right. Since the last volume (2013) the Swedish government has brought the disputed concept of "extremism" to the fore and turned it into practicable politics, the Swedish anti-immigrant party Sverigedemokraterna (the Sweden Democrats) has made their mark on and partly paralysed the national parliament, and a surge of Internet hate has affected the public sphere. The issue contains a critical examination of the concept of "extremism" by sociologists Adrienne Sörbom and Magnus Wennerhag. Economic historian Markus Lundström and political scientist Tomas Lundström introduces "radical nationalism" as an alternative conceptualization of right-wing extremism in their exposition of the political project's development during the last hundred years in Sweden. Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde then discusses the impact of right-wing populism as it spreads through Europe. American scientist Benjamin Raphael Teitelbaum points out shortcomings in research on Sverigedemokraterna and their ties to other parts of the far right. Finally, Daniel Köhler and Tine Hutzel discuss the causes of political violence from a German perspective in two articles.Publication history: Published original.(Published 18 April 2016)Citation: Deland, Mats, Paul Fuehrer & Fredrik Hertzberg (2016) "Förord", in Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, special issue of Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 5, pp. 7–13. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.F ; Det här specialnumret av tidskriften Arkiv utgör den tredje volymen i en serie, Det vita fältet, som samlar svensk och internationell forskning om högerextremism. Sedan den förra volymen kom ut (2013) har regeringen aktualiserat det omstridda extremismbegreppet och gjort det till praktisk politik, Sverigedemokraterna har präglat och delvis lamslagit det parlamentariska arbetet och en våg av näthat har drabbat offentligheten. Numret innehåller en kritisk granskning av extremismbegreppet, av sociologerna Adrienne Sörbom och Magnus Wennerhag. Markus Lundström och Tomas Lundström introducerar i stället begreppet "radikal nationalism" för att begreppsliggöra det högerextrema politiska projektet i en exposé över dess utveckling under de senaste hundra åren i Sverige. Vidare diskuterar den nederländske forskaren Cas Mudde omfattningen av den våg av högerpopulism som spridits genom Europa. Bristerna inom forskningen om Sverigedemokraterna, och deras kontakter med andra delar av den högerextrema miljön, behandlas av den amerikanske musikvetaren Benjamin Raphael Teitelbaum. Från tyskt perspektiv diskuteras förutsättningarna för ideologiskt betingat våld av Daniel Köhler och Tine Hutzel i två artiklar.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 18 april 2016)Förslag på källangivelse: Deland, Mats, Paul Fuehrer, Fredrik Hertzberg & Thomas Hvitfeldt (2016) "Förord", i Det vita fältet III. Samtida forskning om högerextremism, specialnummer av Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 5, s. 7–13. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.5.F

From 1960 and onwards the Swedish tax system has gradually changed from mostly progressive to mostly proportional and heavily dependent on taxation on consumer goods. This dissertation aims to describe and explain the role of Social Democracy in this process by studying the forming and further development of the omsättningsskatt, later transformed to a proper value added tax mervärdesskatt (VAT), from an historical institutional perspective. Previous research has considered these taxes as mainly financing tools, linked to the building of the well-fare state. While taxes are crucial in the financing of public expenditure, I claim a more complex background to the consumer tax, thereby highlighting a neo-corporative income political setting, hitherto not paid attention to, between a Social Democratic Government and the Trade Union Confederation (LO). Empirically the dissertation covers a period from the late 1950:s up to 2006. Drawing on an extensive material, including protocols from the major decision-making bodies within the Social Democratic Party, I demonstrate how Social Democracy, in a constant interplay between the two power centres, Government and LO, has formed a tax structure closely aligned with LO income political goals of closing the gap between blue and white-collar workers. In the formative moment, LO agreed to restrain wages and was rewarded by targeted cuts in income tax, transfer payments and an extensive labour market policy, made possible by the new tax. In the years to come the resulting informal institutional structure was increasingly strained as tactical-strategical considerations tempted the Government to use the tax instruments for vote- and office-seeking purposes. Not without difficulties both parties, however, succeeded in upholding the informal institutional arrangements until 1986 when internal discontent within LO set forces in motion. Social Democratic tax policy, until now considered beneficial for trade union members, was rejected and in conjunction with an ideational paradigmatic shift towards supply-side economics, the institution was pushed towards a critical junction and a new institutional setting. The VAT-ties to LO were eventually cut, permitting the Government to align the VAT-policy with an overriding goal of office-seeking through alliance building. From 1991 and onwards a highly political- strategical VAT-policy has thus resulted not only in a differentiated VAT, but also in numerous tax cuts on minor items of symbolic importance to various political parties. The strategy has hollowed the tax revenues but proved successful in forging and upholding temporary political alliances in Parliament. The main empirical findings – the presence of a neo-corporatist income policy and the pursuing of a class-based tax policy – departs from earlier research and shed new light on what we call "The Swedish model". The institutional conclusions are, however, in line with an historical institutional perspective stressing the importance of a formative moment, path dependency, ideas as agents of change and the theory of gradual institutional development, a theory that might benefit from further theorising in the interplay between formal and informal veto points.

The paper argues that the Swedish 'neo-liberal' party (Moderaterna) has adapted its policies because of the popularity of the 'universal' Swedish welfare state. The party has come to accept that the modern welfare state is irreplaceable. We furthermore argue that the party's moderate electoral platform in 2006 is earnest. In the "short run" the party can only hope to achieve incremental changes & it recognizes this. Simultaneously however, the party in the "long run" wants to gradually change society. Over time the party in its rhetoric & ideological statements has emphasized the short & the long run differently. These differences between the 'neo-liberal' 1980s & 2006 should not conceal that the mechanism of welfare popularity largely remains the same. The party's actual policy proposals tend to suggest incremental changes only in both periods. Adapted from the source document.

I år har Väst- och Östtyskland varit återförenade i 30 år. Med utgångspunkt i språkbruket i det delade Tyskland skildrar författaren en del av den tysk-tyska historien under kalla kriget. Det handlar om med vilka metoder DDR marknadsförde socialismen och freden i väst i syfte att framstå som det bättre Tyskland. Men det är också en bok om Sveriges historia, om en neutral stat som efter att ha navigerat mellan nazism och bolsjevism under andra världskriget ställdes inför nya allianser och lojaliteter efter kriget. Hur framställde Sverige Väst- och Östtyskland i olika informationskanaler? Hur rapporterade svenska medier om det östtyska idrottsundret? Hur såg kontakterna mellan det östtyska och det svenska kommunistpartiet ut? Gemensamt är att språket fungerar som nyckel till att förstå och tolka de historiska och politiska händelser som skildras i boken. Språket återger inte bara vad som sker utan det påverkar också hur vi uppfattar skeendet. Charlotta Seiler Brylla är professor i tyska vid Stockholms universitet

This thesis is an attempt to formulate a constructive proposal for the ongoing establishment of a post-national European citizenship in the European Union. To the extent that the proposal is post-national, the ambition is to re-conceptualise the idea and ideal of citizenship in a new historical setting. To the extent that the proposal is constructive, the ambition is to develop and employ a methodology which combines normative and empirical analysis. The aim of the thesis is to make a contribution in each of these fields?with particular emphasis on the first. To achieve this, the thesis is focused on two questions. First, what should post-national citizenship mean? Second, to what extent can the European Union provide the conditions for such a post-national citizenship? The answer to the first question is based on the elaboration of a neo-republican norm and the analysis of the changing empirical conditions and organization of citizenship. The result is a trans-national model of citizenship, which diverges from both the cosmopolitan and the multicultural models that have attracted substantial attention in academic debates. Trans-national citizenship is a citizenship inspired by the Habermasian idea of constitutional patriotism, yet recognizes the continuing predominance of national citizenship and the complementary status of post-national citizenship. The answer to the second question is rooted in an empirical analysis of European citizenship and the application of the trans-national citizenship model to the existing realities of European citizenship. The first part of the constructive proposal is based on a critique of European citizenship as it stands with respect to its functionalism, its continued exclusivity, and its statist bias. The second part of the proposal is an extrapolation and subsequent comparison of three future-oriented principles for the evolution of European citizenship: free movement, identity, and residence. For each of these principles a metaphorical scenario is outlined: the market-oriented vision which basically reduces European citizens to customers of a mall; the European pan-national vision which reduces citizenship to an instrument for cultural reproduction; and the place-oriented vision of a European neighbourhood where all permanent residents are treated as equal subjects and sovereigns of the European polity. Having considered the intrinsic advantages and disadvantages of each scenario, the eventual proposal will comprise a defence of the third principle.