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AbstractAt the dawn of the new millennium, international development agencies and governments have "discovered" the potential of migration and remittances to stimulate development in poor countries. However, migration and development is anything but a new topic. The debate about migration and development has swung back and forth like a pendulum, from optimism in the postwar period to deep "brain drain" pessimism since the 1970s towards neo‐optimistic "brain gain" since 2000. Influenced by growing policy disappointment, we might now be at the beginning of a backswing towards more pessimistic views. While these shifts are rooted in deeper ideological and paradigmatic shifts, a review of empirical evidence yields a much more nuanced picture. Despite the often considerable benefits of migration and remittances for individuals and communities involved, migrants alone can generally not remove more structural development constraints and migration may actually contribute to development stagnation and reinforce the political status quo. Despite their development potential, migrants and remittances can therefore neither be blamed for a lack of development nor be expected to trigger take‐off development in generally unattractive investment environments. Recent views celebrating migration as self‐help development "from below" are partly driven by neoliberal ideologies that shift the attention away from structural development constraints and, hence, the responsibility of migrant‐sending states to pursue political and economic reform. Immigrant‐receiving countries can increase the development potential of migration by creating legal channels for high‐ and lower‐skilled migration and integration policies that favour socio‐economic mobility of migrants and avoid their marginalization.

African pastoral systems have been under pressure from steady population growth and an expansion of agriculture into grazing lands. This neo‐Malthusian predicament has been considered the beginning of the end for African pastoralism. The article describes how peri‐urban FulBe pastoralists in the Far North Region of Cameroon have adapted to population pressures on grazing lands by pursuing a combination of extensive and intensive pastoral strategies in which they entrust part of their herd to mobile pastoralists, while using industrially produced cottonseed cakes to feed cattle kept in the village. The reliance on cottonseed cakes has resulted in a more capital‐intensive production system. This article considers whether pastoral intensification, in which animal productivity is increased through capital inputs, offers an alternative Boserupian model for African pastoralists.RésuméLa croissance démographique et l'empiètement de l'agriculture sur les pâturages exercent une forte pression sur les systèmes pastoraux africains. Certains ont vu dans ce problème néomalthusien le début de la fin pour le pastoralisme en Afrique. L'auteur décrit comment les pasteurs FulBe périurbains de la région du Nord‐Cameroun se sont adaptés à la pression démographique sur les pâturages en combinant des stratégies pastorales extensives et intensives, confiant une partie de leur cheptel à des pasteurs itinérants tout en utilisant des tourteaux de coton industriels pour nourrir le bétail resté au village. La dépendance envers les tourteaux de coton a donné naissance à un système de production plus capitalistique. Le présent article examine l'éventualité que l'intensification du pastoralisme, visant à accroître la productivité animale par des entrées de capital, puisse constituer un modèle boserupien alternatif pour les pasteurs africains.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse national state support programmes for women's entrepreneurship, in the Nordic countries, from a gender perspective.Design/methodology/approachFrom an analytical gender perspective based on a combination of Mayoux's framework of paradigms in support of women's entrepreneurship, Rees' approach to gender equality and Bacchi's analysis of what the problem is represented to be, the author performs a systematic comparative analysis of the varying policy goals, underlying paradigms and approaches in state support programmes for women's entrepreneurship in the Nordic countries.FindingsThe author concludes that all Nordic countries, with the exception of Iceland, have a programme or an action plan to support women's entrepreneurship, but vary in their underlying paradigms and rationales. The author places Norway at one end of the spectrum because its policy programme is most clearly influenced by a feminist empowerment paradigm intended to transform and/or tailor the existing support system through various measures. At the other end of the spectrum is Denmark, which most clearly focuses on economic growth in line with a neo‐liberal paradigm. Between these extremes, are Sweden, Finland and Iceland. The analysis reveals that state support programmes, in the name of supporting women entrepreneurs, tend to put women in a subordinate position to men and thereby risk sustaining a male norm.Originality/valueThe paper contributes a much‐needed systematic comparative analysis of support for women's entrepreneurship in the Nordic countries. This analysis is important in order to further the discussion of how policy actors can refrain from putting women in a secondary position to men, and thus avoid sustaining a male norm in entrepreneurship support.

RESUMEN: El artículo considera la educación como un elemento central del gobernamiento, un arte para la conducción de sí y de los otros. Este arte, que entre los siglos XVI y el XX, se entendió, por lo menos, de tres maneras distintas: la "Enseñanza con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad disciplinaria", corresponde a la emergencia de la Didáctica (siglos XVI y XVII) y de las prácticas de policía; la "Educación con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad liberal" (siglos XVIII y XIX) corresponde a la aparición de los conceptos de educación, libertad e interés; es el momento de articulación de prácticas Disciplinarias con nuevas prácticas liberales y, con ellas, la emergencia de prácticas biopolíticas en la educación; el "Aprendizaje con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad neoliberal", que encuentra en la educación permanente y en el capital humano las condiciones de emergencia de una "sociedad del aprendizaje". ; ABSTARCT: The article considers education as a central element of governance, a driving gear for self and others, art between the XVI and XX centuries, it was understood, at least three different ways: "Teaching with an emphasis on disciplinary ruling" corresponds to the emergence of teaching (XVI and XVII) and law enforcement practices; "Education with an emphasis on liberal governance" (XVIII and XIX) is the emergence of the concepts of education, freedom and interest, is the time to articulate disciplinary practices with new liberal practices, and with them the emergence of bio-political practices in education; "Learning with an emphasis on neo-liberal governance", which found in lifelong learning and human capital emergency conditions of a "learning society".

International audience ; What does sociability mean today in a village? Is it still local? Has it been really local once? How do associative networks use, produce and reinvent the sociability in a village? Do they bring new places of sociability on the foreground? Which territories do they build? To respond all these questions, we study the cultural associations in Aubrac and Millevaches and make appear the determinant factors of the sociability among the population: the existence of old networks like the 'amicales', the professional and social composition of the population, the presence or not of neo-rural people, the local history and its reception outside of the local area. In conclusion, one question raises: Should we rather talk of local sociability or of a permanent recycling of local motives matched by loan and supposing ceaseless cultural transfers? ; Qu'en est-il de la sociabilité villageoise aujourd'hui ? Est-elle encore locale ? L'a-t-elle d'ailleurs réellement été ? Comment les réseaux associatifs en font usage, la produisent et la réinventent ? Quels nouveaux lieux de sociabilité font-ils émerger, quels territoires reconstruisent-ils ? Partant d'une enquête sur les associations à vocation patrimoniale et culturelle, sur les plateaux de l'Aubrac et de Millevaches, les auteurs mettent en évidence des facteurs déterminants dans la mise en relation sociale des individus comme: l'existence de réseaux antérieurs sur le mode des " amicales ", la composition socioprofessionnelle de la population, la présence ou non de néo-ruraux, l'histoire locale et sa réception extra-locale. Peut-on en conclusion parler de sociabilité locale ou plutôt de recyclage permanent de motifs locaux assortis d'emprunts et supposant des transferts culturels incessants ?

Iranian women disappointed by increasing social and political instability in their homeland have migrated to Canada to achieve their dream of social rights and justice. However, the tragedy of September 11, 2001 directed considerable hatred toward Middle Eastern people. They did not feel at peace, were not treated with respect, and their presence in the west aroused suspicion. More recently, Iran's president, Mahmood Ahmadinejad is largely seen to be a person who threatens world peace; this negatively impacts Iranians in the west as those remaining in Iran face heavy economic sanctions. In this article, which is a small part of my thesis research findings, I discuss the challenges of first-generation of Iranian immigrant women through their experiences in Canadian graduate schools and workplaces. How do they negotiate the many negative images of Iranians and how do these images shape their experiences within these institutions?First-generation female Iranian graduate students' experiences in Canada are unheard and undocumented. In interviews, these women questioned the ability of neo-liberal capitalist schools to connect them to Canadian society while honouring their Iranian origins and identities and enabling them to achieve their goal to live and study in Canada. I argue that Iranian immigrant women experience a double exclusion both at school and in the workplace despite their willingness to engage with both places. This dual exclusion is an enormous source of pressure on their minds and spirits. The goal of this research is to give these women a voice. Policy makers in school and workplaces will benefit from the findings of this research, which calls for significant changes to realize social justice in Canadian society.

This article summarizes part of the results of a research on the contemporary socio- cultural movements of women in Costa Rica—20th Century, in charge of the Center for Culture and Development Research (CICDE), between 2009 and 2011. In patriotic committees –political organization born in Costa Rica to fight against neo-capitalism—women play a protagonist role in the struggle for the survival of the social state. This article considers that globalization has implications and provokes significant changes in relation to gender relations. Some of these changes are evident in exclusion and inequality processes accentuated in the living conditions of women. New voices of women in these mixed groups are highlighted, as well as recent collective projects that denunciate social, economic, political and gender injustices. ; En este artículo se presenta parte de los resultados de la investigación Los movimientos socioculturales contemporáneos de mujeres en Costa Rica. Siglo XXI, realizada en el Centro de Investigaciones en Cultura y Desarrollo (CICDE), entre 2009 y 2011. Al interior de los comités patrióticos, organizaciones politizadas surgidas en Costa Rica en oposición al neoliberalismo, las mujeres cumplen un papel protagónico en la lucha por la vigencia del estado social. En este artículo se considera que el fenómeno de la globalización tiene implicaciones y cambios significativos sobre las relaciones de género. Destacan en estos cambios los procesos de exclusión y desigualdad, acentuados en las condiciones de vida de las mujeres. Como conclusión, se destaca la presencia de nuevas voces de mujeres en estos grupos mixtos, y de recientes proyectos colectivos que denuncian injusticias sociales económicas, políticas y de género.

In about 1735, Emilie Du Chatelet began to translate Mandeville's Fable of the Bees. Her work, which is largely ignored by scholars, did, as this article demonstrates, turn out to be one of transformation rather than of translation and came at a crucial moment in the emerging French luxury debate. So far commercial society and luxury had been defended in purely economic terms, for instance in Melon's Essai politique, or as an aspect of divine providence for fallen man, by Pierre Nicole amongst others. There was as yet no coherent defence on the level of secular ethics. As this article shows, Du Chatelet set out to remedy this. In co-operation with Voltaire, with whose recent praise of English society in the Lettres philosophiques she strongly identified, she rewrote the Fable to offer a defence of modern commercial society as both natural and moral. The article argues that she was able to do so by taking recourse to classic Epicureanism in the guise of Lucretius' De rerum natura, as an alternative to the Neo-Epicureanism, with its Augustinian overtones, as espoused by Mandeville. Voltaire in turn used her translation to lay the foundations for his defence of commercial society and progress in his Traite de metaphysique in which he uses the precise passages she had inserted into Mandeville's original. This article analyses the further aspects Voltaire adds to her arguments. Taken together, Du Chatelet's 'translation' and Voltaire's Traite offer a coherent defence of bourgeois society that would underlie Voltaire's later historiographical and philosophical works and which were crucial to his concept of 'Enlightenment' and 'progress'. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Die Situation der 49 Länder Subsahara-Afrikas hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren weiter ausdifferenziert. Diese Veränderungen sind für die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ) und andere Formen der Entwicklungsfinanzierung von großer Bedeutung. Es stellt sich die Frage, welchen Beitrag EZ in diesem sich stark verändernden Umfeld künftig leisten kann. Folgende Strukturveränderungen finden derzeit statt: (1) Die wirtschaftliche Situation Subsahara-Afrikas hat sich in den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten nicht zuletzt aufgrund besserer Politiken der Länder überwiegend in eine positive Richtung entwickelt. Während die Mehrheit der Länder in den 1990er Jahren geprägt war durch enorme Budgetdefizite, hohe Inflationsraten, staatliche Eingriffe und Kapitalflucht sowie Schwarzmärkte verfügen die Länder der Region heute durchschnittlich über mehr Handlungsspielräume, nicht zuletzt hinsichtlich ihrer eigenen Haushalte. Eine Gruppe von rund 10 bis 20 Ländern der Region konnte in der letzten Dekade deutliche Wachstumszuwächse erreichen; hieran hat die internationale Finanz-und Wirtschaftskrise nicht grundlegend etwas geändert. Gleichzeitig gibt es immer noch eine Reihe von Ländern, in denen die wirtschaftliche Dynamik weiter unbefriedigend ist oder in denen sich die Lebensbedingungen trotz Wachstum nur unzureichend verbessert haben. (2) Die Governance-Qualität hat sich insgesamt betrachtet in Subsahara-Afrika verbessert. Das öffentliche Finanzmanagement ist heute im Durchschnitt besser als in der Vergangenheit. Gleichwohl sind klientelistische und neo-patrimoniale Systeme, die starken Einfluss auf die Ressourcenverwendung nehmen, weiterhin in einer großen Zahl von Ländern prägend. In vielen Ländern der Region stehen noch Reformen zur Verbesserung der politischen Rahmenbedingungen (politische Öffnung etc.) aus. (3) Die internationalen Finanzzuflüsse nach Subsahara-Afrika haben sich seit dem Jahr 2000 versechsfacht. Neben dieser erheblichen Zunahme hat sich auch die Finanzstruktur stark gewandelt, da der Anteil privater Zuflüsse deutlich zugenommen hat. EZ spielt weiterhin eine wichtige Rolle, zunehmend wird das Bild aber durch Direktinvestitionen und Rücküberweisungen von Gastarbeitern geprägt. Von "neuen Kooperationspartnern" wie China, Indien und arabischen Länder gehen zusätzlich starke Veränderungen aus; die Süd-Süd-Beziehungen sind für Subsahara-Afrika zunehmend wichtig. (4) Insbesondere für die erdölexportierenden Länder sowie die Länder mit mittlerem Einkommen hat die Bedeutung von EZ bereits stark abgenommen. In den Niedrigeinkommensländern und den fragilen Staaten spielt EZ dagegen oftmals weiterhin eine große Rolle, allerdings gibt es auch bei armen Ländern verstärkte Bemühungen, die EZ-Abhängigkeit zu verringern. In fragilen Ländern kommt EZ oftmals die Rolle zu, staatlichen Auflösungserscheinungen entgegenzuwirken. Angesichts der dynamischen Entwicklungen in Subsahara-Afrika sind die genauen Wirkungen von internen und externen Ressourcen auf Entwicklungsprozesse von großer Bedeutung. Ein besseres Verständnis relevanter interner und externer Ressourcen und Politiken wird für die Entwicklungsforschung der kommenden Jahre zentral sein.

Discussions about the connections between mathematics and democracy amongst the general populace have not been explicitly well rehearsed. A critical relationship with democracy for mathematics education may involve directing and redirecting its purposes. But, we ask, what if the 'choice' to not participate in experiences of mathematics education, or in its (re)direction, were itself also a critical relationship with mathematics education? What if this refusal and disobedience to the evocative power of mathematics were a democratic action? We argue that consideration of mathematics education for democracy and development must take seriously specific acts of refusal that directly confront the construction of inequality common in most development contexts. Globalisation and development discourses, via citizenship and nationalism, construct relationships with learners and mathematics education in very specific ways that delimit possibilities for egalitarianism and democratic action. But, might such action not be recognised, not as refusal to participate per se, but as a refusal to participate in mathematics education's colonising and/or globalising neo-liberal gaze? In arguing for the opening of a position of radical equality, we introduce Jacques Rancière to mathematics education theory, noting that for Rancière emancipation is the intentional disregard for ideological narratives such as the ones produced by mathematics education discourses. Thus, we provoke serious reconsideration of the assumptions behind most school improvement and professional development projects, as well as mathematics education policies and practices framed by globalising development discourses, and in the process we challenge our colleagues to consider 'refusal' not as deficit or failure, but as a critical position of radical equality in relation to mathematics education.

In questo articolo si analizza il modo in cui la stampa nazionale italiana trattò il tema delle Brigate Rosse nel periodo che va dagli anni settanta all'inizio degli anni ottanta. In questo periodo temporale è possibile osservare come la maggior parte dei giornalisti italiani commise il grave errore di sottovalutare la potenza criminale del gruppo terrorista e si ostinò a collocare la banda armata ideologicamente tra i gruppi eversivi neofascisti, quando invece gli stessi brigatisti dichiaravano reiteratamente il loro marxismo-leninismo. Nella seconda parte dell'articolo, si parla di come vennero analizzati, da parte dei principali periodici italiani, il sequestro e l'assassinio dell'onorevole Aldo Moro e di come le Brigate Rosse, durante il rapimento del magistrato D'Urso, cercarono di utilizzare i mezzi di comunicazione per i loro fini criminali. ; In this article the author analyses the way in which the Italian mass media dealt with the issue of the Red Brigades from the beginning of the decade of the seventies and the first half of the eighties. It is possible to perceive how the majority of the Italian journalists made the enormous mistake of undermining the criminal power of the terrorist group during this period and how they placed the armed band ideologically among the neo-fascist groups, although the own members of the brigades declared their loyalty to the Marxism-Leninism many times. The second part of the article deals with the kidnapping and murder of the president of the political party «Democrazia Cristiana», Aldo Moro, and how, during the captivity of the magistrate D'Urso, the Red Brigades tried to use the Italian media for their own criminal purposes.

Avrupalılaşma, Avrupa Birliği tarafından şekillendirilen toplumsal ve ekonomik değişimlerin büyüklüğü yüzünden önemli bir dünya düzeni olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Buna, AB içerisinde siyasi, ekonomik, teknoloji ve uluslararası ilişkiler ile ilgili informal kural ve düzenlemeler yanında resmi kuralların oluşumu ve dağılımı neden olmaktadır. Bu bağlamda Avrupalılaşma, AB'nin bir parçası olabilme adına gerekli bir önkoşul olan sağlam demokratik ülkelerin yaratılmasını içermektedir. Ayrıca daha adaletli ve refah bir AB için etkili ve modern bir karar almayı da içermektedir. Avrupalılaşma küreselleşme baskısını daha güçlendirirken, AB'ne, bölgesel yönetiminde çok iyi bir network ve güçlü sistemini gün yüzüne çıkarması için büyük bir potansiyel sağlamıştır. Bu çalışmada da oldukça açıktır ki, Avrupalılaşma küreselleşmenin zorluklarına anahtar bir cevap niteliğindedir, ancak uygulamada yeni liberal proje olma adına daha ileri gitmede yetersizdir. ; Europeanisation has emerged as a prominent world order following great societal and economic transformations generated by the European Union. This has been the result of the composition and distribution of formal rules of the EU in the areas of politics, economy, technology and international relations. In this regard, Europeanisation includes the formation of democratic countries in a firm way, which is a pre-condition to be a part of the European Union. It also includes an efficient and modern decision making process for a fair and prosperous EU. While Europeanisation would strengthen the pressure of globalisation, it also provides a great potential for unearthing a well-networked and strong system of regional governance for the EU. It is evident in the article that Europeanisation has been a key respond to the challenges of globalisation, but it is unable to move beyond being a neo-liberal project in practice.

En este artículo se presenta parte de los resultados de la investigación Los movimientos socioculturales contemporáneos de mujeres en Costa Rica. Siglo XXI, realizada en el Centro de Investigaciones en Cultura y Desarrollo (CICDE), entre 2009 y 2011. Al interior de los comités patrióticos, organizaciones politizadas surgidas en Costa Rica en oposición al neoliberalismo, las mujeres cumplen un papel protagónico en la lucha por la vigencia del estado social. En este artículo se considera que el fenómeno de la globalización tiene implicaciones y cambios significativos sobre las relaciones de género. Destacan en estos cambios los procesos de exclusión y desigualdad, acentuados en las condiciones de vida de las mujeres. Como conclusión, se destaca la presencia de nuevas voces de mujeres en estos grupos mixtos, y de recientes proyectos colectivos que denuncian injusticias sociales económicas, políticas y de género. ; This article summarizes part of the results of a research on the contemporary socio- cultural movements of women in Costa Rica—20th Century, in charge of the Center for Culture and Development Research (CICDE), between 2009 and 2011. In patriotic committees –political organization born in Costa Rica to fight against neo-capitalism—women play a protagonist role in the struggle for the survival of the social state. This article considers that globalization has implications and provokes significant changes in relation to gender relations. Some of these changes are evident in exclusion and inequality processes accentuated in the living conditions of women. New voices of women in these mixed groups are highlighted, as well as recent collective projects that denunciate social, economic, political and gender injustices.

When he ran for president in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy promised to build a museum of French history. He declared that he was troubled by the lack of a coherent account of the nation's great moments and great heroes. On being elected, he started the planning process, finally settling on the Hôtel de Soubise, part of the Archives nationales, as the site of the future Maison de l'histoire de France. Although his project was supported by a certain number of intellectuals, many university scholars, especially the historians, raised strong objections to a concept that returned to the old Third Republic civic history in the style of Ernest Lavisse. The future museum was to offer visitors old-fashioned narrative history of male achievements, with no account taken of new insights that women's, gender, social, cultural, colonial and immigration history have added to any discussion of what France is or might be. It rejects the idea that there have been, and can be, many ways of being French. The critics of the museum project deplored the instrumentalisation of the nation's past – one of several such presidential ventures – for short-term political gain. The strike of archive employees, which lasted for several months, scuttled that site as the future home of the history museum. The story is not finished. The discussion of the presidential museum initiative is placed in a larger context in which increased economic neo-liberalism, greater state interventions at home and overseas, and the propagation of a nostalgic-conservative vision of the nation's past reinforce each other, even as they coexist in uneasy union.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to provide a case study which illustrates how specific skills can be embedded within an undergraduate business module thereby promoting wider criticality and an ethos of sustainability.Design/methodology/approachThe paper analyses a pragmatic approach to redesigning a third‐year undergraduate module on twenty‐first century business topics such as globalisation and sustainability in which students acquire subject‐specific knowledge as well as the tools necessary for challenging current approaches. The redesign was guided by a series of emergent paradigms within the pedagogical literature, including student‐centred learning, emphasis on skills development and elements of the critical management perspective. "Questioning perceived wisdom" became the subtext for a series of activities linked to continuous assessment. Action research provided a basis for curricular development, and resulted in lectures with multiple viewpoints and a variety of weekly tasks including analyses of in‐class debates, surveys, and online discussions in small groups. The new structure also sought to address instrumental attitudes and student engagement. Rich qualitative and quantitative data were generated from the surveys, discussion groups, exam scripts and student feedback.FindingsData show that students responded well to those activities which implicitly reinforced the skills of "questioning" and judgement based on evidence. The increased engagement may be due to incentivisation of the chosen assessment structure and/or the heuristic nature of the varied activities.Originality/valueThis paper invites practitioners to shift away from "teaching" sustainability or criticality as an intellectual topic, and rather to concentrate more on creating those experiential opportunities where the student can develop the skills to question current dogma, whether neo‐liberalism or even environmental fundamentalism.