Suchergebnisse

Academic discussion of citizenship focuses primarily on the citizen in relation to the particular state of which s/he is a member. From this perspective the modern spread of citizenship, first in a few Western states and then somewhat more generally, is usually regarded as a definite advance in human well-being, as turning what had once been the privileges of the few into the rights of the many. This paper argues that an understanding of the impact of citizenship in the modern world must consider not just its role in bringing together members of particular sub-populations and promoting some of their interests, but also the effects of rendering the global population governable by dividing it into sub-populations consisting of the citizens of discrete, politically independent and competing states. ; La discusión académica sobre la ciudadanía se enfoca principalmente en el ciudadano en relación con el estado particular al que pertenece. Desde esta perspectiva, el enfoque moderno sobre la ciudadanía, en los estados occidentales y en cada uno de manera general, es visto usualmente como un avance definitivo en el bienestar de la humanidad, como una vuelta alos privilegios de unos pocos en los derechos de muchos. Para una comprensión del impacto de la ciudadanía en el mundo moderno, este artículo sostiene que debe considerarse no sólo su papel unificador de los miembros de subpoblaciones particulares y como promotor de algunos de sus intereses, sino también sus efectos de gobernabilidad en la población global al dividirla en subpoblaciones conformándolos en ciudadanos de estados discretos, políticamente independientes y competitivos.

El objetivo principal de este artículo es el de presentar y evaluar críticamente la existencia y el funcionamiento de una racionalidad económica neoliberal en el actual neoconservadurismo católico contemporáneo. La teología neoconservadora es portadora de una ética religiosa de mercado que detecta en la tradición religiosa judeocristiana una serie de virtudes morales y espirituales útiles para intentar justificar teológicamente la globalización neoliberal. Como estudio de caso, se toman en consideración los planteamientos político–religiosos de la teología neoliberal estadounidense, particularmente la versión del teólogo católico Michael Novak. ; The aim of this paper is to present and critically evaluate the existence and the functioning of neoliberal economic rationality in contemporary Catholic neoconservatism. This rationality brings in market religious ethics since it detects a series of useful moral and spiritual virtues in the Judeo-Christian religious tradition that attempt to theologically justify neoliberal globalization. This case study will consider the political–religious approaches of American neoconservative theology, particularly the version of the Catholic theologian Michael Novak. ; 7-34 ; toni.aguilo@uib.es

This paper examines the proliferation of soft spaces of governance, focusing on planning. We move beyond more functional explanations to explore the politics of soft spaces, more specifically how soft space forms of governance operate as integral to processes of neoliberalisation, highlighting how such state for ms facilitate neoliberalisation through their flexibility and variability. Recent state restructuring of the planning sector and emerging trends for soft spaces in England under the Coalition government proposals are discussed.

This Article argues that the current era of U.S. civil procedure is defined by its neoliberalism. The Supreme Court has over the past few decades reinterpreted the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure in ways that have made it more difficult for citizens to bring and maintain civil claims. The major decisions of this new era—in areas as diverse as summary judgment, pleading, class actions, and arbitration—exhibit neoliberal hallmarks. They display neoliberalism's tendency to naturalize existing market arrangements, its focus on efficiency and obscuring questions of power, its reduction of citizens to consumers, and its attempt to analyze government through the lens of market-modeled concepts. As the Court's procedural decisions make it increasingly difficult for citizens to bring claims enforcing regulatory law—including antitrust, antidiscrimination, consumer protection, and worker protection laws—the Court's neoliberal orientation lurks in the background and helps to explain procedure's modern progression. In order to fully appreciate, critique, and potentially move beyond the current era of U.S. civil procedure, it is important to understand the neoliberal logic that drives it, as well as the logics and values it obscures and sidelines.

17 p. ; il. col., cuadros, tablas ; En esta ponencia pretendemos reflejar los avances de dos investigaciones. "Representaciones sociales e intervenciones estatales sobre la violencia bajo el Neoliberalismo" acreditado en la UNVM y "Simbología Neoliberal de la Violencia" acreditado en la UNC. Consideramos que nuevas miradas sobre la violencia social son necesarias por cuanto el fenómeno crece en su relevancia simbólica, pero también en las prácticas sociales que intentan conjurarla. Las políticas destinadas a proveer seguridad gozan de poca confianza poblacional, pero aun así, la oferta pública aumenta. La fuerza policial en Argentina crece geométricamente y está próxima a superar el número de docentes de escuelas primarias. La policía ha recibido certeras críticas centradas en su autonomía con respecto al poder político, con lo cual coincidimos; sin embargo una adecuada obediencia también lleva por el mismo camino. Tanto policía como políticos portan una ideología tecnocrática sobre la violencia y el delito. El "mejor" accionar policial se hace sobre manuales comprensivos de las causas y las soluciones, un crecimiento de la racionalidad instrumental a expensas de la ética liberal o aun conservadora que dominaba en ámbitos políticos, judiciales y policiales. Esta tesis tecnocrática aún espera su estudio. También nos interesa analizar la inseguridad como categoría que da cuenta del malestar social, en particular por su limitación para cumplir con este postulado, pero también, y sobre todo por escamotear el miedo como categoría emergente del malestar social y rastrear su contenido histórico y espacial, su genealogía y cartografía. --

ere is a direct and proportional relationshipbetween neoliberal ideology and its anti-democratic vein, thatis, when it the application of neoliberalism seeps deep intothe imposition of a de-democracy, which empties and sacrificessocial welfare is promoted and radicalized, by reducing to theminimum, the welfare state. e working hypothesis that guidesthese paragraphs will be to demonstrate that the neoliberalideology leads one to believe that the extreme concentration ofwealth and political power in a few hands is the only way thatwill "guarantee the transfer of welfare" to the vast majority of thepopulation, the sine qua non condition for filtering wealth fromthe top down, will consist of defending private property in thestrict sense of the word through a disciplinary and competitivelogic of the state with an entrepreneurial vision that regulatesand promotes capital investment; first wealth must be generatedand "then it will be distributed" to the benefit of the class inpower. e narrative of the document will be composed of ageneral approach to the object of study and finally it will posethe unsolvable contradictions between neoliberal ideology anddemocracy- ; Existe una relación directa y proporcional entre la ideología neoliberal y su veta antidemocrática, es decir, que cuando cala más hondo la aplicación del neoliberalismo se promueve y radicaliza la imposición de una des-democracia que se vacía y sacrifica el bienestar social, reduciéndose a su mínima expresión el Estado de bienestar. La hipótesis de trabajo que guía estos párrafos consistirá en demostrar que la ideologíaneoliberal hace creer que la concentración extrema de riqueza y poder político en pocas manos es la única vía que "garantizará la transferencia de bienestar" a la gran mayoría de población, la condición sine qua non para filtrar la riqueza de arriba hacia abajo, consistirá en defender en stricto sensu la propiedadprivada a través de una lógica disciplinaría y competitiva estatal de visión empresarial que regule y promueva las inversiones de capital, primero debe de generarse riqueza y "después ésta se repartirá" a beneplácito de la clase que detenta el poder. La narrativa del documento estará compuesta por planteamientogeneral del objeto de estudio y por último se plantearán las contradicciones irresolubles entre la ideología neoliberal y la democracia. ; A afirmação do ensaio indica que é fomentada uma relação direta e proporcional entre a ideologia neoliberal e seu traço antidemocrático, isto é, quando a aplicação do neoliberalismo aprofunda a imposição de uma democratização que se esvazia e se sacrifica bem-estar social, reduzindo o estado de bem-estar ao mínimo. A hipótese de trabalho que guia esses parágrafos consistirá em demonstrar que a ideologia neoliberal faz acreditar que a extrema concentração de riqueza e poder político em poucas mãos é a única maneira de "garantir a transferência do bem-estar" para a grande maioria da população, a condição sine qua non para filtrar a riqueza de cima para baixo, consistirá em defender a propriedade privada stricto sensu através de uma lógica estatal disciplinar e competitiva da visão empresarial que regula e promove os investimentos de capital, a riqueza deve primeiro ser gerada e "posteriormente será distribuído "à aprovação da classe que detém o poder. A narrativa do documento será composta de uma abordagem geral do objeto de estudo e, finalmente, serão levantadas as contradições insolúveis entre ideologia neoliberal e democracia.

Higher education in Britain is often described as increasingly neoliberal, driven by market imperatives and audit culture. But the neoliberalisation has been only partial. A resurgence of technocratic, corporatist ideas can also be detected in how government relates to the sector.

The author the setting for the current measures against drug dealing within the promotion process of neoconservatism. The spreading of which into the socioeconomic field has given rise to the "new right wing". Drug dealing is seen and evaluated as a process which is connected to the conditions of the worldwide economic globalization through its different stages; production, distribution and consumption. With reference to these perspectives and after proving that drugs behabe economically in the same way as any other commodity , the author attempts to demonstrate that the measures taken against the use of drugs form part of various other factors that highpower the market for drugs. ; La autora aborda el problema desde una perspectiva novedosa; por una parte, enmarca a las actuales políticas antinarcotráfico dentro del proceos de ascenso del neoconservadurismo, cuya extensión en el campo económico-social dio origen a la "nueva derecha"; por otra parte, el tráfico de drogas es analizado como un proceso que en sus diferentes fases (producción, distribución, consumo) se encuentra articulado a las condiciones de la globalización económica mundial. Con base en estas dos perspectivas (y tras probar que la droga tiene el mismo comportamiento económico que cualquier otra mercancía), la autora demuestra que la política antidrogas -contra la que se propagandiza- son uno de los factores que dinamizan el mercado narcóticos.

Analyses of the Thatcher revolution, when not focused almost entirely on 'the lady' herself, tend to limit their cast of key actors to those ministers who formed the 'dry' wing of the Cabinet once the party entered government (Thatcher herself, of course, but also Keith Joseph, Howe, Lawson, etc.) along with an acknowledgement that monetarist economists (such as Congdon and Minford) were influential in shaping their thinking, and an apparently obligatory nod to the influence of Enoch Powell. In this paper, we use recently released papers to analyse an attempted 'Thatcherite' policy revolution via mass personal pensions. This is a policy area that epitomises what came to be called the 'neoliberal' revolution', though one in which the revolutionists found themselves forced to back away from their ambition to sweep away not just the state earnings-related pension but the entire structure of employer-provided pension funds in the UK (because they were seen as reservoirs of market power antithetical to individual freedom as well as ripe for take-over by a socialist government). Ministers are not the main focus of the analysis. Rather we focus on the Centre for Policy Studies and the No. 10 Policy Unit. In doing so, we confirm the importance of the CPS as source of ideas and reveal both the centrality of the PU as a source of motive power for the 'neoliberal revolution' in Britain and the relative pragmatism of ministers as they backed away from that revolution.

The 1970s witnessed the beginning of a new world order conceptualized by leading political economists as neoliberal globalization. This has been accompanied by a profound restructuring of the world's economy under the influence of large multinational corporations, the globe's most powerful governments led by the United States, and a triad of international bodies: the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Petras & Veltmeyer 2000). This new scenario has reshaped the scope and nature of contemporary human mobility. ; Producción Científica de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas UAZ

The 1970s witnessed the beginning of a new world order conceptualized by leading political economists as neoliberal globalization. This has been accompanied by a profound restructuring of the world's economy under the influence of large multinational corporations, the globe's most powerful governments led by the United States, and a triad of international bodies: the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Petras & Veltmeyer 2000). This new scenario has reshaped the scope and nature of contemporary human mobility. ; Producción Científica de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas UAZ

In this article, Vaccaro links the recent poltiical trends on populism with the neoliberal governmentality, along the foucauldian lecture.

The world currently witnesing both globalization and globalism. Globalization manifests in economic, political and cultural domain, provides prescriptive judgement on what to do and not to do. Praxis of neoliberal globalism is problematic because what readily avaiable is prescription rather than philosopical refferent. The world has increasingly more integrated, and nation state has been obsolete not because of the truth, but rather the prescriptive nature of the ideology.

I mutamenti nei rapporti tra politica ed economia impongono di ripensare i percorsi attraverso cui gli individui costruiscono se stessi come singolarità e come collettività. Il nostro presente, segnato dalla scomparsa dell'orizzonte della Rivoluzione, ha lasciato campo libero all'assoggettamento neoliberale di condotte e stili di esistenza. Lo stesso Lavoro sembra non essere più il presupposto per la liberazione degli esseri umani. Al centro delle riflessioni svolte in questo volume vi sono allora quelle "eccedenze di singolarità" che, affermatesi dentro e fuori l'alveo della modernizzazione, mettono in campo pratiche diffuse di costruzione di nuove forme simboliche, di nuovi bisogni e desideri. A partire da molteplici tentativi di democrazia radicale che attraversano la città di Napoli, questo volume raccoglie contributi sul senso e le forme dell'odierno "stare in comune" e del nostro "essere comune".

Partiendo del análisis de Marx sobre las contradicciones del capitalismo, este artículo defiende el carácter estructural de las causas que explicarían la actual hegemonía del modelo de gubernamentabilidad neoliberal. Argumentada esta posición, se estudian algunas de las dimensiones centrales que Ernesto Laclau vincula a la razón populista para evaluar si ésta constituiría una opción política capaz de desplazar a la hegemonía neoliberal. A la luz de las conclusiones obtenidas, se emprende finalmente un examen de la subjetividad forjada por la forma de gobierno neoliberal, con el propósito de determinar la orientación ideológica de los movimientos populistas más tendentes al triunfo político. ; Building on Marx's analysis of the contradictions of capitalism, this article defends the structural nature of the causes that explain the current hegemony of the neoliberal governmentality model. Having argued this position, we look at some of the central dimensions Ernesto Laclau links to populist reason to see whether this could be a political option capable of displacing the neoliberal hegemony. In light of the conclusions drawn, we lastly examine the subjectivity forged by neoliberal governmentality in order to determine which ideological orientation of populist movements would be most likely to succeed politically. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide