Dedication -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Rhetoric in Neoliberalism -- Note -- References -- Accountable to Whom? The Rhetorical Circulation of Neoliberal Discourse and Its Ambient Effects on Higher Education -- Educational Accountability: From the Great Society to the Neoliberal Marketplace -- The Neoliberal Milieu: From CSU's Mandatory Early Start to SUNY's Seamless Transfer -- Reconstituting Ambient Rhetoric from Neoliberalism to the Common -- Notes -- References -- Warren Buffett's Celebrity, Epideictic Ethos, and Neoliberal Humanitarianism
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This article draws from Slavoj Žižek's approach to ideology to theorize neoliberalism as an ideological formation. I focus on neoliberalism's fantasy of free trade and on its displacement of symbolic identities by imaginary ones. The fantasy of free trade organizes enjoyment through the promise that everyone will win, uses losses to reconfirm the necessity of strengthening the system so that everyone will win, and perpetually displaces the thieves of enjoyment throughout the system as warnings, exceptions, and contingencies. In addition to relying on the fantasy of free trade, neoliberal ideology also functions through the production of imaginary rather than symbolic identities. These identities serve not as means of internalized discipline but of external control. Thus I argue that a key difference between Keynesianism (the economic theory and practice of the welfare state) and neoliberalism is the production of subject positions available for redeployment. The disciplined worker and consumer-citizen of the social welfare state are reformatted under neoliberal ideology as the shopaholic and incorrigible criminal.
This article examines the curious non-death of neoliberalism in Japan. After initial predictions about the end of neoliberalism in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, more recent analysis, focusing primarily on the United States and Western European cases, have turned their attention to explaining the "resilience" or "non-death" of neoliberalism. I seek to contribute to this analysis by examining the case of Japan, a country that has faced three major financial crises since it began to embrace neoliberal policies and practices in the 1980s. I demonstrate that the Japanese state has scaled back its role in many of the functionally equivalent forms of welfare that were associated with the developmental state model that Japan adopted in the early decades of the post-war era. Moreover, despite these cutbacks, and in contrast to the predictions made by many observers of Japanese politics, I further show that there has not been a corresponding rise in more formal and universalistic forms of welfare for the working age population that would help mitigate the rise in the level of social stratification and risk in Japan caused by these cutbacks. Instead, I show that many formal welfare benefits have been cut back even as spending has risen, and the various tax and labour reform policies that have been adopted since the 1980s have further eroded the level of social equality and income security in Japan.
The economic "Great Recession" of 2008/09 has seen skyrocketing unemployment, a lowering of the standard of living, & a near-collapse of the financial industry. This recession was brought about by unrestrained capitalism, and, according to the author, could spell the end of the neoliberal economic model, which has been dominant in global economics since the presidency of Ronald Reagan. In order to cripple the market-fundamentalist right wing in American politics, the left will have to come up with an economic model that is dynamic & sensitive to the market, all the while balancing the needs between labor & business. As the Great Depression of the 1930s showed, & the current recession is showing, market fundamentalism is unstable, & is incompatible with equality or social peace. Adapted from the source document.
English The last decade has seen a number of attempts to periodise neoliberalism and the wider liberal project into different phases. While acknowledging the difficulties any periodisation approach entails, this article proposes a number of core factors against which periodisation might be considered. In its main body, it describes recent and current developments in factors including strategy; labour market policy; institutional reform; disciplinary inclusion and exclusion; and other geopolitical and social aspects of reaction, regendering and re-embedding. In concluding, the article evaluates both the prospects for periodisation as method, and the extent to which a significant, recent period shift in the neoliberal project has emerged.
As I write, in late April of 2009, the citizens of rich capitalist societies are watching their jobs, wealth, and life plans being laid waste by an economic collapse every bit as ferocious as the crisis of the 1930s. Conservative parties and policies that only a short while ago were called midwives to an age of limitless prosperity built on free markets, small governments, and a stoical acceptance of the sufferings of the poor are now objects of popular ridicule and disgust. Employment and incomes are falling at a sickening rate, with the official American unemployment rate rising from 4.8 percent of the labor force in January 2008 to 8.5 percent as of April 2009. Even the most sober economic analysts are suggesting that one in ten American workers may be out of work by year's end. A housing boom turned bust has destroyed a global financial system once cited as proof that unregulated finance could convert greed into a cornucopia for the masses—if only ham-handed governments kept out of business affairs.
