Suchergebnisse

This book is the product of an investigation by Maxime Quijoux in two factories recovered by their workers in the context of the social crisis and Argentine politics of the early 2000. The plants in question are located in Buenos Aires, are the 'Brukman textile company and the Global balloon balls manufacturing company. To symbolize the experienced transformation after occupations, they were respectively renamed by workers 18 de Diciembre Cooperative Cooperative La Nueva Esperanza. Far from taking a look on the enchanted self-managing workers' struggle that would be born from the Argentine crisis, Mr. Quijoux wonders about the conditions of possibility of a singular struggle undertaken by 'a working face entirely surprising,' as far classical workers of the union struggle that new self-managing workers in post-Fordist utopia. Adapted from the source document.

This article uses Foucault's analyses on neoliberalism to show that capitalism cannot be reduced to a specific mode of production, ruled by necessary and natural economic laws (the logic of capital). Capitalism is rather a radically plural 'economic and juridical complex', which assumes different forms throughout history. Neoliberalism is one of these historical forms, and it is characterized by two specific features: a governmental practice intervening directly in market mechanisms, an active relation to laws and institutions as a means to regulate the competition; an entrepreneurial way of shaping society and its subjects, that is, the application of the rationality of the market to practices of subjectivation. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims at highlighting the critical potentialities inscribed at the heart of neoliberal rationality, which has been established as radically opposed to the raison d'Etat through the idea that 'one always governs too much'. Foucault's analyses in The Birth of Biopolitics are particularly attentive to this theme: indeed, using economic reasoning and the instruments of economic science as critical weapons in order to deconstruct the traditional political philosophy and to demystify its emancipatory pretenses, Foucault presents neoliberalism as one of the main contemporary embodiments of the critical tradition. Hence, it is outside political philosophy, moral philosophy or theory of law that we have to search if we want to resist neoliberalism. Adapted from the source document.

This article engages a critical dialogue with the interpretations of neoliberalism as a general view on the world and a construction of individual psychology. It aims at showing that the economic importance of neoliberalism is primordial. Underestimating the economical dimension in neoliberal governmental practices leads to the temptation of a functionalist psychologism it prevents from understanding the complex and bidirectional relations between capitalist economy and the subjects living in it (their desires, their beliefs, their interests). There is no contradiction between neoliberalism as a form of society and neoliberalism as an economic rationality. Therefore, neoliberalism can be understood as an essential (even if mobile and plural) moment of contemporary capitalism. Adapted from the source document.

Avec la montée des dettes publiques, il est devenu évident que la présente crise économique peut être mieux comprise comme étant une crise sociale qui s'exprime par le biais du système financier. L'article présente des statistiques sur la distribution du revenu au Canada, aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne afin de démontrer la transformation inégalitaire des relations de classes sociales due en grande partie à la surproduction et à l'excès de capacité productive du système capitaliste actuel. Le consensus politique face à la crise économique prolongera la tendance vers des relations sociales plus inégalitaires, marquant une donne inconnue depuis les années 1940 dans les pays développés du Nord Global. L'article trace trois directions possibles pour le futur développement de cette tendance dans la plupart des pays du Nord : 1) la tendance est exacerbée, puis on voit l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques politiques visant à gérer les effets d'une société plus inégalitaire ; 2) la tendance est contrée par le renouvellement des mouvements sociaux pour une distribution plus équitable de la survaleur sociale ; ou 3) la tendance débloque sur un nouveau compromis entre classes sociales comme celui des années 1940, solution qui se heurte à d'importantes contradictions conjoncturelles.

The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended to redistribute wealth and create a similar society, but to retain individuals as territories in the register of 'equal inequality', which makes competition precisely because there is no exclusion. Social housing is an integral part of these policies to combat exclusion: it is increasingly aimed at rewarding involvement in the world of work, as in the time of the Trento Glorieux, but is increasingly becoming a tool to combat exclusion. This change seems to us to explain the changes in social housing policies in the European countries which had seen a significant increase in their housing stock from the 1950s to the 1970s, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden. ; International audience ; The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended ...

he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; International audience ; he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; IL Y AURA BEAUCOUP À DÉBATTRE APRÈS CETTE SÉQUENCE DE MOBILISATIONS degrande ampleur, qui s'inscrit dans la continuité des mouvements de 1995,2003, 2010 et de toutes les autres mobilisations de cette période. La repriseen main des enjeux politiques de la période par une part croissante de lapopulation n'est pas le moindre de ces événements face à un gouvernementde gauche. Le mouvement syndical a joué sa partition, offrant un cadre continude mobilisation. Sa place centrale dans le conflit tient à ...

This article examines the implications of the multi-scalar politics of Mexican anti-poverty policies for the long-term process of democratization. The federal anti-poverty policy, Progresa / Oportunidades, was designed to eliminate traditional clientelistic practices. While more obvious practices of pork-barrel politics have been eliminated in poverty alleviation programs, continued practices of top-down processes of program design and implementation strategies have resulted in the emergence of semi-clientelism. This paper argues that municipal and state political actors have responded to these federal policies in ways that may or may not promote deeper levels of democracy, and which have led to the reconstitution of semi-clientelism. The paper draws upon recent revisionist approaches to political clientelism, and introduces a mutli-scalar approach borrowed from political geography. Based on this theoretical approach, the article examines the role of state and municipal authorities in the delivery of federal anti-poverty benefits within the Oportunidades conditional cash transfer program. Adapted from the source document.

In order to understand the political sequence just played in France following the failure of the Socialists in the municipal elections — the replacement of Jean-Marc Ayrault by Manuel Valls and the composition of a 'tightened' government, i.e. composed exclusively of socialists and radical-socialists — and then in the European elections — one of the worst scores obtained by the Socialist Party in the European elections but the best achieved by the Front National, against the backdrop of record abstention — must be made a historical detour. This choice gives an indication of how French Socialists, following many European Social Democrats, are now facing the crisis of neoliberalism, which has affected all Western economies for almost five years. Following this historic detour, this article shows that three major dossiers for the left are left behind by the current government: justice in the workplace; the definition of hospitality criteria for foreign populations, based on the experience of associations; management of ecological transition in a non-technocratic form. ; Pour comprendre la séquence politique qui vient de se jouer en France à l'issue de l'échec des socialistes aux élections municipales – le remplacement de Jean-Marc Ayrault par Manuel Valls et la composition d'un gouvernement « resserré », c'est-à-dire composé exclusivement de socialistes et de radicaux-socialistes –, puis aux élections européennes – un des pires scores obtenu par le Parti socialiste aux élections européennes mais le meilleur réalisé par le Front National, sur fond d'abstention record –, il convient de faire un détour historique. Ce choix donne une indication de la façon dont les socialistes français, suivant en cela nombre de sociaux-démocrates européens, font face aujourd'hui à la crise du néolibéralisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des économies occidentales depuis près de cinq ans. A l'issue de ce détour historique, cet article montre que trois dossiers majeurs pour la gauche sont sont délaissés par le gouvernement actuel : la justice ...

Quel est le montant des transferts financiers entre la Flandre et la Wallonie ? La solidarité entre les régions va-t-elle disparaître prochainement ? La dette de la Région wallonne est-elle soutenable ? Les partenariats public-privé sont-ils une solution miracle face au déclin de l'investissement public belge ? Toutes ces questions, d'une actualité brûlante, forment le cœur de cet ouvrage, consacré aux transformations contemporaines de la Belgique et de ses régions sous l'effet des normes nationales et européennes qui encadrent la gestion des deniers publics. Cette étude analyse les deux principaux programmes de gouvernement des finances publiques belges – le fédéralisme budgétaire et fiscal, d'une part, et la gouvernance budgétaire européenne, d'autre part – à travers cinq études de cas richement documentées. Celles-ci sont éclairées à l'aide d'une grille d'analyse innovante, qui combine les apports de la sociologie politique des finances publiques et de l'analytique de gouvernement esquissée par Michel Foucault. Cette enquête pluridisciplinaire, située au carrefour de la science politique, du droit public, de l'économie et de la comptabilité, s'adresse à un large public : chercheurs, étudiants, praticiens du droit, mandataires et conseillers politiques, fonctionnaires, journalistes, etc. Elle apporte un recul bienvenu sur les enjeux financiers particulièrement complexes, mais non moins fondamentaux, qui façonnent la Belgique d'aujourd'hui et de demain.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.