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The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended to redistribute wealth and create a similar society, but to retain individuals as territories in the register of 'equal inequality', which makes competition precisely because there is no exclusion. Social housing is an integral part of these policies to combat exclusion: it is increasingly aimed at rewarding involvement in the world of work, as in the time of the Trento Glorieux, but is increasingly becoming a tool to combat exclusion. This change seems to us to explain the changes in social housing policies in the European countries which had seen a significant increase in their housing stock from the 1950s to the 1970s, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden. ; International audience ; The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended ...

he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; International audience ; he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; IL Y AURA BEAUCOUP À DÉBATTRE APRÈS CETTE SÉQUENCE DE MOBILISATIONS degrande ampleur, qui s'inscrit dans la continuité des mouvements de 1995,2003, 2010 et de toutes les autres mobilisations de cette période. La repriseen main des enjeux politiques de la période par une part croissante de lapopulation n'est pas le moindre de ces événements face à un gouvernementde gauche. Le mouvement syndical a joué sa partition, offrant un cadre continude mobilisation. Sa place centrale dans le conflit tient à ...

In order to understand the political sequence just played in France following the failure of the Socialists in the municipal elections — the replacement of Jean-Marc Ayrault by Manuel Valls and the composition of a 'tightened' government, i.e. composed exclusively of socialists and radical-socialists — and then in the European elections — one of the worst scores obtained by the Socialist Party in the European elections but the best achieved by the Front National, against the backdrop of record abstention — must be made a historical detour. This choice gives an indication of how French Socialists, following many European Social Democrats, are now facing the crisis of neoliberalism, which has affected all Western economies for almost five years. Following this historic detour, this article shows that three major dossiers for the left are left behind by the current government: justice in the workplace; the definition of hospitality criteria for foreign populations, based on the experience of associations; management of ecological transition in a non-technocratic form. ; Pour comprendre la séquence politique qui vient de se jouer en France à l'issue de l'échec des socialistes aux élections municipales – le remplacement de Jean-Marc Ayrault par Manuel Valls et la composition d'un gouvernement « resserré », c'est-à-dire composé exclusivement de socialistes et de radicaux-socialistes –, puis aux élections européennes – un des pires scores obtenu par le Parti socialiste aux élections européennes mais le meilleur réalisé par le Front National, sur fond d'abstention record –, il convient de faire un détour historique. Ce choix donne une indication de la façon dont les socialistes français, suivant en cela nombre de sociaux-démocrates européens, font face aujourd'hui à la crise du néolibéralisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des économies occidentales depuis près de cinq ans. A l'issue de ce détour historique, cet article montre que trois dossiers majeurs pour la gauche sont sont délaissés par le gouvernement actuel : la justice ...

Quel est le montant des transferts financiers entre la Flandre et la Wallonie ? La solidarité entre les régions va-t-elle disparaître prochainement ? La dette de la Région wallonne est-elle soutenable ? Les partenariats public-privé sont-ils une solution miracle face au déclin de l'investissement public belge ? Toutes ces questions, d'une actualité brûlante, forment le cœur de cet ouvrage, consacré aux transformations contemporaines de la Belgique et de ses régions sous l'effet des normes nationales et européennes qui encadrent la gestion des deniers publics. Cette étude analyse les deux principaux programmes de gouvernement des finances publiques belges – le fédéralisme budgétaire et fiscal, d'une part, et la gouvernance budgétaire européenne, d'autre part – à travers cinq études de cas richement documentées. Celles-ci sont éclairées à l'aide d'une grille d'analyse innovante, qui combine les apports de la sociologie politique des finances publiques et de l'analytique de gouvernement esquissée par Michel Foucault. Cette enquête pluridisciplinaire, située au carrefour de la science politique, du droit public, de l'économie et de la comptabilité, s'adresse à un large public : chercheurs, étudiants, praticiens du droit, mandataires et conseillers politiques, fonctionnaires, journalistes, etc. Elle apporte un recul bienvenu sur les enjeux financiers particulièrement complexes, mais non moins fondamentaux, qui façonnent la Belgique d'aujourd'hui et de demain.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur ...

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

This dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre's "progressive-regressive" method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies. ; L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier les transformations économiques, sociales, politiques et idéologiques qui caractérisent le développement du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis, depuis l'essor du mouvement conservateur qui porta Ronald Reagan au pouvoir en 1980 jusqu'à la crise financière de 2008. Par néolibéralisme, on entend une idéologie qui postule la supériorité des forces du marché et du secteur privé sur l'intervention de l'État, un ensemble de politiques qui visent à libérer ces forces des entraves étatiques, et un mode de gouvernance qui s'inspire de la gestion des entreprises ...

This dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre's "progressive-regressive" method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies. ; L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier les transformations économiques, sociales, politiques et idéologiques qui caractérisent le développement du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis, depuis l'essor du mouvement conservateur qui porta Ronald Reagan au pouvoir en 1980 jusqu'à la crise financière de 2008. Par néolibéralisme, on entend une idéologie qui postule la supériorité des forces du marché et du secteur privé sur l'intervention de l'État, un ensemble de politiques qui visent à libérer ces forces des entraves étatiques, et un mode de gouvernance qui s'inspire de la gestion des entreprises privées. À la lecture des nombreux ouvrages consacrés au néolibéralisme, on peut constater un morcellement des connaissances sur certains aspects particuliers du sujet, telles que ses dimensions idéologique, politique ou internationale ; il manque des études qui tentent de concevoir le néolibéralisme à la fois dans sa globalité et dans la spécificité de son développement aux États-Unis. Il nous est paru que la méthode dite « progressive-régressive » de Jean-Paul Sartre permettrait de faire la synthèse qui manque à la littérature actuelle. Bien que Sartre ait développé cette méthode dialectique à l'attention des chercheurs en sciences humaines et sociales, ce cadre épistémologique cherche encore ses adeptes. En l'appliquant au néolibéralisme américain, nous espérons donc contribuer non seulement à la connaissance d'un grand sujet d'actualité, mais aussi au développement des méthodes de recherche dans le champ des études civilisationnistes.

At the end of 1910', Max Weber wrote : in the sphere of everyday affairs, domination "consists precisely in administration". If he could come back one century later, he would say : "It consists in management." How to understand, from the viewpoint of an history of public and private bureaucracies, the current invasion of the public sphere by management technics ? This PhD in historical sociology studies the rise in business companies, and propagation in state administrations, of several power apparatuses in France from 1945 to nowadays. If we don't want to satisfy ourselves with the lazy explanation which relates it to "neoliberalism", we must replace the whole transformation into the long term history of public wage labor and the reinvention of capitalism. Main instrument of the first managerial revolution, management by objectives gave birth to a new organization of the firm : an individualized government of executives by numbers, directed towards the unlimited growth of the productivity of the work force. High civil servants from the national economic planning tried without success to transpose this kind of managerial bureaucracy into ministries : not in the name of "the market", but of employees' control, GDP growth and the power of French State. In the completely different context of 1990-2000' and financial capitalism, LOLF and RGPP finally instituted this government of public ser-vices by objectives, to serve a new end : public spending reduction. Health systems, tax collec-tion, administrative offices or unemployment offices have been reorganized on the basis of the integrated fordist firm model of the 1970'. Some high civil servants are now trying to radicalize this project with the imposition of a new kind of organization, even more dangerous to a democratic public service : the neoliberal bureaucracy of the network-firm arising from the second managerial revolution of 1980-1990', in which an important element is the government of direct producers by an individual competition, formalized by human ...

At the end of 1910', Max Weber wrote : in the sphere of everyday affairs, domination "consists precisely in administration". If he could come back one century later, he would say : "It consists in management." How to understand, from the viewpoint of an history of public and private bureaucracies, the current invasion of the public sphere by management technics ? This PhD in historical sociology studies the rise in business companies, and propagation in state administrations, of several power apparatuses in France from 1945 to nowadays. If we don't want to satisfy ourselves with the lazy explanation which relates it to "neoliberalism", we must replace the whole transformation into the long term history of public wage labor and the reinvention of capitalism. Main instrument of the first managerial revolution, management by objectives gave birth to a new organization of the firm : an individualized government of executives by numbers, directed towards the unlimited growth of the productivity of the work force. High civil servants from the national economic planning tried without success to transpose this kind of managerial bureaucracy into ministries : not in the name of "the market", but of employees' control, GDP growth and the power of French State. In the completely different context of 1990-2000' and financial capitalism, LOLF and RGPP finally instituted this government of public ser-vices by objectives, to serve a new end : public spending reduction. Health systems, tax collec-tion, administrative offices or unemployment offices have been reorganized on the basis of the integrated fordist firm model of the 1970'. Some high civil servants are now trying to radicalize this project with the imposition of a new kind of organization, even more dangerous to a democratic public service : the neoliberal bureaucracy of the network-firm arising from the second managerial revolution of 1980-1990', in which an important element is the government of direct producers by an individual competition, formalized by human ...

At the end of 1910', Max Weber wrote : in the sphere of everyday affairs, domination "consists precisely in administration". If he could come back one century later, he would say : "It consists in management." How to understand, from the viewpoint of an history of public and private bureaucracies, the current invasion of the public sphere by management technics ? This PhD in historical sociology studies the rise in business companies, and propagation in state administrations, of several power apparatuses in France from 1945 to nowadays. If we don't want to satisfy ourselves with the lazy explanation which relates it to "neoliberalism", we must replace the whole transformation into the long term history of public wage labor and the reinvention of capitalism. Main instrument of the first managerial revolution, management by objectives gave birth to a new organization of the firm : an individualized government of executives by numbers, directed towards the unlimited growth of the productivity of the work force. High civil servants from the national economic planning tried without success to transpose this kind of managerial bureaucracy into ministries : not in the name of "the market", but of employees' control, GDP growth and the power of French State. In the completely different context of 1990-2000' and financial capitalism, LOLF and RGPP finally instituted this government of public services by objectives, to serve a new end : public spending reduction. Health systems, tax collection, administrative offices or unemployment offices have been reorganized on the basis of the integrated fordist firm model of the 1970'. Some high civil servants are now trying to radicalize this project with the imposition of a new kind of organization, even more dangerous to a democratic public service : the neoliberal bureaucracy of the network-firm arising from the second managerial revolution of 1980-1990', in which an important element is the government of direct producers by an individual competition, formalized by human ...

At the end of 1910', Max Weber wrote : in the sphere of everyday affairs, domination "consists precisely in administration". If he could come back one century later, he would say : "It consists in management." How to understand, from the viewpoint of an history of public and private bureaucracies, the current invasion of the public sphere by management technics ? This PhD in historical sociology studies the rise in business companies, and propagation in state administrations, of several power apparatuses in France from 1945 to nowadays. If we don't want to satisfy ourselves with the lazy explanation which relates it to "neoliberalism", we must replace the whole transformation into the long term history of public wage labor and the reinvention of capitalism. Main instrument of the first managerial revolution, management by objectives gave birth to a new organization of the firm : an individualized government of executives by numbers, directed towards the unlimited growth of the productivity of the work force. High civil servants from the national economic planning tried without success to transpose this kind of managerial bureaucracy into ministries : not in the name of "the market", but of employees' control, GDP growth and the power of French State. In the completely different context of 1990-2000' and financial capitalism, LOLF and RGPP finally instituted this government of public services by objectives, to serve a new end : public spending reduction. Health systems, tax collection, administrative offices or unemployment offices have been reorganized on the basis of the integrated fordist firm model of the 1970'. Some high civil servants are now trying to radicalize this project with the imposition of a new kind of organization, even more dangerous to a democratic public service : the neoliberal bureaucracy of the network-firm arising from the second managerial revolution of 1980-1990', in which an important element is the government of direct producers by an individual competition, formalized by human ...

What would be the links between the cultural and the social? Why does a cultural association develop social actions? Starting from the specific case of the Association R.A.M.a, in Montpellier, this thesis aims to develop reflections on the above questions in the perspective of the neoliberal frame of reference. The hypothesis put forward here is that, in addition to being influenced by the neoliberal turn, social and cultural policies are undergoing a process of diversion of their objectives so as to place them in a nebulous zone where the limits and attributes of each are mixed. This vestige of the fieldwork experience is both a descriptive and analytical account of the observations collected and an exercise in articulating theory and praxis. In this sense, the exercise has a dual purpose: to deal with the topic at hand, but also to reveal the research and learning process of a foreign student. ; Quels seraient les liens entre le culturel et le social ? Pour quelles raisons une association à finalité culturelle développe-t-elle des actions sociales ? Partant du cas précis de l'Association R.A.M.a, à Montpellier, ce mémoire a pour ambition le développement des réflexions sur les questions précédentes dans la perspective du référentiel néolibéral. L'hypothèse ici lancée est qu'en plus d'être influencées par le tournant néolibéral, les politiques sociales et culturelles vivraient un processus de détournement de leurs objectifs de façon à les mettre dans une zone nébuleuse où les limites et les attributs de chacune se mélangeraient. Ce vestige de l'expérience de terrain en stage est à la fois un récit descriptif et analytique des observations collectées et un exercice d'articulation entre théorie et praxis. Dans ce sens, l'exercice a un double objectif : traiter le sujet en question, mais également révéler le processus de recherche et d'apprentissage d'un étudiant étranger.