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The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended to redistribute wealth and create a similar society, but to retain individuals as territories in the register of 'equal inequality', which makes competition precisely because there is no exclusion. Social housing is an integral part of these policies to combat exclusion: it is increasingly aimed at rewarding involvement in the world of work, as in the time of the Trento Glorieux, but is increasingly becoming a tool to combat exclusion. This change seems to us to explain the changes in social housing policies in the European countries which had seen a significant increase in their housing stock from the 1950s to the 1970s, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden. ; International audience ; The article assumes that neoliberalism, which has developed in Western Europe since the mid-1970s, is less a penalty for social housing than it requires a change in its function. In support of that argument, I am following Michel Foucault, defining neoliberalism, not as a withdrawal of public action from the market, as a more 'hard' liberalism, but as a new way of composing economic and political affairs. Neoliberalism requires the use of public authorities, not to facilitate the proper functioning of the market or to compensate for market failures, but to build a framework conducive to competition. Public action is therefore no longer intended ...

Este texto trata da conjuntura política brasileira e do processo que redundou no golpe de Estado que destituiu a presidente eleita Dilma Rousseff. Articulando as noções de regime de verdade, práticas discursivas e política de escândalo, o texto avança na descrição da formação de uma articulação das classes dominantes, corporações da mídia, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário para destruir as possibilidades eleitorais das forças de esquerda no Brasil, abrindo caminho para a implementação do receituário neoliberal. Apropriando-se principalmente da ideia do combate à corrupção, os velhos esquemas do poder econômico organizam a construção de discursos e ações de Estado que compõem o cinismo institucional como política de Estado. ; This text deals with the Brazilian political situation and the process that led to the coup d'état that brought down the elected president Dilma Rousseff. Expressing the notions of regime of truth, discursive practices and politics of scandal, the text moves forward with a description of the formation of a liaison between the dominant classes, media corporations, Public Prosecutor's Office and the Judiciary to destroy the electoral possibilities of the left-wing forces in Brazil, paving the way for the implementation of the neoliberal prescription. Making use for the most part of the idea of fighting corruption, the old economic power structures organize the construction of State speeches and actions that establish institutional cynicism as State policy.

Este texto trata da conjuntura política brasileira e do processo que redundou no golpe de Estado que destituiu a presidente eleita Dilma Rousseff. Articulando as noções de regime de verdade, práticas discursivas e política de escândalo, o texto avança na descrição da formação de uma articulação das classes dominantes, corporações da mídia, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário para destruir as possibilidades eleitorais das forças de esquerda no Brasil, abrindo caminho para a implementação do receituário neoliberal. Apropriando-se principalmente da ideia do combate à corrupção, os velhos esquemas do poder econômico organizam a construção de discursos e ações de Estado que compõem o cinismo institucional como política de Estado. ; This text deals with the Brazilian political situation and the process that led to the coup d'état that brought down the elected president Dilma Rousseff. Expressing the notions of regime of truth, discursive practices and politics of scandal, the text moves forward with a description of the formation of a liaison between the dominant classes, media corporations, Public Prosecutor's Office and the Judiciary to destroy the electoral possibilities of the left-wing forces in Brazil, paving the way for the implementation of the neoliberal prescription. Making use for the most part of the idea of fighting corruption, the old economic power structures organize the construction of State speeches and actions that establish institutional cynicism as State policy.

he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; International audience ; he Y AURA BEAUCOUP TO DEPARTING APPLICABLE SQUENCE OF large scale mobilisations, which follows on from the movements of 1995,2003, 2010 and all other mobilisations during this period. The revival of the political stakes of the period by an increasing proportion of stopulation is not the slightest of these events in the face of a left-wing country. The trade union movement played its part, providing a framework for continued mobilisation. Its central role in the conflict lies in the challenge of this labour force, the transformation of trade union, the role that society intends to play and thus the collective relationship of work. The negotiation at company level would become a competitive element. Lesyndicalism faces a neoliberal transformation. ; IL Y AURA BEAUCOUP À DÉBATTRE APRÈS CETTE SÉQUENCE DE MOBILISATIONS degrande ampleur, qui s'inscrit dans la continuité des mouvements de 1995,2003, 2010 et de toutes les autres mobilisations de cette période. La repriseen main des enjeux politiques de la période par une part croissante de lapopulation n'est pas le moindre de ces événements face à un gouvernementde gauche. Le mouvement syndical a joué sa partition, offrant un cadre continude mobilisation. Sa place centrale dans le conflit tient à ...

O Estado e o mercado são instituições complementares. O Estado é a instituição principal que coordena as sociedades modernas; é o sistema constitucional e a organização que o garante; é o principal instrumento por meio do qual as sociedades democráticas estão moldando o capitalismo de modo a alcançar seus próprios objetivos políticos. Os mercados são instituições baseadas na competição regulada pelo Estado para que contribuam com a coordenação da economia. Enquanto o liberalismo emergiu no século XVIII para combater o Estado autocrático, desde os anos 1980 o neoliberalismo (uma distorção maior do liberalismo econômico) tornou-se dominante e montou um assalto ao Estado em nome do mercado, mas eventualmente também atacou o mercado. A macroeconomia neoclássica e a teoria da escolha pública foram as metaideologias que deram a esse assalto um apelo "científico" e matemático. ; State and market are complementary institutions. The state is the major institution coordinating modern societies; it is the constitutional system and the organizations guaranteeing it; it is the main instrument through which democratic societies have been changing capitalism so as to achieve their own agreed political objectives. Markets are institutions based on competition which the state regulates so that they contribute to the coordination of the economy. While liberalism emerged in the 18th century to fight an autocratic state, since the 1980s neoliberalism (a major distortion of economic liberalism) became dominant and mounted a political assault to the state in the name of the market, but eventually also attacked the market. Neoclassical macroeconomics and public choice theory were the meta-ideologies that gave to this assault a "scientific" and mathematical allure.

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the recommendations of international organizations based on the Washington Consensus on health system reforms of selected countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1980s and 1990s and to investigate the effects of the competitive market logic on public action in the health system. METHODS: Comparative analysis of the characteristics of health system reforms conducted in the 1980s and 1990s, still seen in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Data were collected by documental analysis and literature review. The systems were described based on the characteristics of: co-payment, privatization mechanisms, decentralization, fragmentation of the system, integration of funding sources and coverage of the population (universal or segmented). RESULTS: The reforms were implemented differently, worsening inequalities in health service delivery systems. Changes related to the neoliberal idea of transforming public action in the direction of private logic point to the predominance of competition rules and the reduction in economic costs in all countries analyzed, contrary to the logic of universal health systems. CONCLUSION: The reduction in economic costs, the fragmentation of systems and inequalities in the provision of health services, among others, may mean other future costs resulting from low protection to the population's health. A striking and multidimensional counter-reform is essential to make health a right of all again, in a solidarity system that can lead to the reduction in inequalities and a more democratic society. ; OBJETIVO: Analisar as recomendações dos organismos internacionais pautadas no Consenso de Washington para as reformas dos sistemas de saúde de países selecionados da América Latina e Caribe nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e investigar os efeitos da lógica concorrencial de mercado sobre a ação pública nos sistema de saúde. MÉTODOS: Análise comparada de características das reformas dos sistemas de saúde realizadas nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, presentes até o momento no Brasil, Argentina, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru. Os dados foram coletados por análise documental e revisão de literatura. Os sistemas foram descritos quanto às características de: copagamento, mecanismos de privatização, descentralização, fragmentação do sistema, integração das fontes de financiamento e cobertura da população (universal ou segmentada). RESULTADOS: As reformas foram implementadas de forma variada, aprofundando desigualdades nos sistemas de prestação de serviços de saúde. As mudanças, ao serem relacionadas à ideia neoliberal de transformar a ação pública na direção da lógica privada, apontam para o predomínio das regras da concorrência e da redução dos custos econômicos em todos os países analisados, contrariando a lógica dos sistemas universais de saúde. CONCLUSÃO: A redução dos custos econômicos, a fragmentação dos sistemas e as desigualdades na prestação de serviços de saúde, entre outros, poderão significar outros custos futuros decorrentes da baixa proteção à saúde da população. É imprescindível uma contrarreforma contundente e multidimensional, que retome a saúde como direito de todos, em um sistema solidário que possa levar à redução das desigualdades e a uma sociedade mais democrática.

In order to understand the political sequence just played in France following the failure of the Socialists in the municipal elections — the replacement of Jean-Marc Ayrault by Manuel Valls and the composition of a 'tightened' government, i.e. composed exclusively of socialists and radical-socialists — and then in the European elections — one of the worst scores obtained by the Socialist Party in the European elections but the best achieved by the Front National, against the backdrop of record abstention — must be made a historical detour. This choice gives an indication of how French Socialists, following many European Social Democrats, are now facing the crisis of neoliberalism, which has affected all Western economies for almost five years. Following this historic detour, this article shows that three major dossiers for the left are left behind by the current government: justice in the workplace; the definition of hospitality criteria for foreign populations, based on the experience of associations; management of ecological transition in a non-technocratic form. ; Pour comprendre la séquence politique qui vient de se jouer en France à l'issue de l'échec des socialistes aux élections municipales – le remplacement de Jean-Marc Ayrault par Manuel Valls et la composition d'un gouvernement « resserré », c'est-à-dire composé exclusivement de socialistes et de radicaux-socialistes –, puis aux élections européennes – un des pires scores obtenu par le Parti socialiste aux élections européennes mais le meilleur réalisé par le Front National, sur fond d'abstention record –, il convient de faire un détour historique. Ce choix donne une indication de la façon dont les socialistes français, suivant en cela nombre de sociaux-démocrates européens, font face aujourd'hui à la crise du néolibéralisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des économies occidentales depuis près de cinq ans. A l'issue de ce détour historique, cet article montre que trois dossiers majeurs pour la gauche sont sont délaissés par le gouvernement actuel : la justice ...

Quel est le montant des transferts financiers entre la Flandre et la Wallonie ? La solidarité entre les régions va-t-elle disparaître prochainement ? La dette de la Région wallonne est-elle soutenable ? Les partenariats public-privé sont-ils une solution miracle face au déclin de l'investissement public belge ? Toutes ces questions, d'une actualité brûlante, forment le cœur de cet ouvrage, consacré aux transformations contemporaines de la Belgique et de ses régions sous l'effet des normes nationales et européennes qui encadrent la gestion des deniers publics. Cette étude analyse les deux principaux programmes de gouvernement des finances publiques belges – le fédéralisme budgétaire et fiscal, d'une part, et la gouvernance budgétaire européenne, d'autre part – à travers cinq études de cas richement documentées. Celles-ci sont éclairées à l'aide d'une grille d'analyse innovante, qui combine les apports de la sociologie politique des finances publiques et de l'analytique de gouvernement esquissée par Michel Foucault. Cette enquête pluridisciplinaire, située au carrefour de la science politique, du droit public, de l'économie et de la comptabilité, s'adresse à un large public : chercheurs, étudiants, praticiens du droit, mandataires et conseillers politiques, fonctionnaires, journalistes, etc. Elle apporte un recul bienvenu sur les enjeux financiers particulièrement complexes, mais non moins fondamentaux, qui façonnent la Belgique d'aujourd'hui et de demain.

Dynamics of capitalism have been under-researched within mediatization studies and this paper aims to contribute to filling in some blanks in this regard, by including a critical political economy angle into the mediatisation approach undertaken. In order to do this, the paper focuses on the neoliberal order and explores how such an environment changes the settings in which the mediatisation of politics takes place. The article argues that the neoliberal order in which the media operate is reconfiguring the role of journalism in the mediatisation process. Instead of expressing public concerns and public interest, or perspectives of civil society and other accountability institutions, there is a high level of pressure for the media to perform a role as a colonizing agent of neoliberalism. Hence, as producers of meaning, the media tend to reinforce and naturalize a neoliberal culture in benefit of political and economic elites' worldviews. ; La dinámica del capitalismo ha sido poco investigada en los estudios dedicados a pensar la mediatización. Este artículo pretende contribuir a llenar algunos vacíos tomando en cuenta una perspectiva crítica de la economía política en el análisis de los procesos de mediatización. El interés está centrado en analizar las condiciones bajo las cuales se practica el periodismo actual y cómo estas condiciones alteran la mediatización de la política. El artículo sostiene que el entorno neoliberal en el que operan los medios está reconfigurando el papel del periodismo: en lugar de expresar preocupaciones críticas y orientarse para representar el interés público, o las perspectivas de la sociedad civil y otras instituciones de rendición de cuentas, existe una gran presión para que los medios trabajen como agentes de colonización interna del neoliberalismo. Se argumenta que, como productores de significado, los medios refuerzan y naturalizan las políticas neoliberales en beneficio de la cosmovisión de las élites políticas y económicas que promueven dichas políticas. ; As dinâmicas do capitalismo têm sido sub-pesquisadas nos estudos em mediatização e este artigo pretende contribuir para preencher algumas lacunas a este respeito,integrando um ângulo crítico da economia política na análise dos processos de mediatização. Para tal, centramos o nosso foco nas condições em que o jornalismo é atualmente exercido e de que modo tais condições alteram a mediatização da política. O artigo argumenta que o ambiente neoliberal onde os media operam está a reconfigurar o papel do jornalismo no processo de mediatização política. Em vez de expressar preocupações críticas e orientar-se para representar o interesse público, ou as perspectivas da sociedade civil e de outras instituições de prestação de contas, existe uma elevada pressão para que os media trabalhem como agentes de colonização interna do neoliberalismo. Argumentamos que, enquanto produtores de sentido, os media reforçam e naturalizam o neoliberalismo em benefício da mundividência das elites políticas e económicas neoliberais.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur ...

International audience ; Does the 1979 lecture at the Collège de France reveal Michel Foucault as a "great opponent" of neoliberalism or as a philosopher attracted to this type of thought? This question illustrates the classification effort this author has always been the target of. This article proposes, however, to consider his work from a completely different point of view: rather than trying to insert it into fixed frames, it is on the borders –of different disciplines, currents or strategies– that such a thought takes place. By questioning, at first, a part of the current debate on the Foucauldian reading of neoliberalism, we will then focus on the different contexts in which the philosopher inserts his reflection on this theme. This will enable us to understand better the way his reflection was, at that time, built on the basis of a real critical project, and therefore to apprehend, in fine, the particularities of the theoretical horizon that frames Foucault's analyses of neoliberalism. ; Le cours de 1979 au Collège de France révèle-t-il un Michel Foucault « grand adversaire » du néolibéralisme ou un philosophe séduit par ce courant de pensée ? Cette question illustre l'effort de classification dont cet auteur a toujours été la cible. Le présent article propose, néanmoins, d'envisager son travail à partir d'une tout autre perspective : plutôt que de s'insérer dans des cases fixes, c'est aux frontières – entre différentes disciplines, courants ou stratégies – qu'une telle pensée se place. En interrogeant, tout d'abord, une partie du débat actuel sur la lecture foucaldienne du néolibéralisme, nous nous intéresserons, ensuite, aux différents contextes dans lesquels le philosophe insère sa réflexion sur ce thème. Ce faisant, nous serons plus en mesure de comprendre la manière dont il construit son travail, à cette époque, sur les bases d'un véritable projet critique, ce qui nous permet de mieux saisir, in fine, les particularités de l'horizon théorique à l'intérieur duquel Foucault développe ses analyses sur le néolibéralisme.

This dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre's "progressive-regressive" method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies. ; L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier les transformations économiques, sociales, politiques et idéologiques qui caractérisent le développement du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis, depuis l'essor du mouvement conservateur qui porta Ronald Reagan au pouvoir en 1980 jusqu'à la crise financière de 2008. Par néolibéralisme, on entend une idéologie qui postule la supériorité des forces du marché et du secteur privé sur l'intervention de l'État, un ensemble de politiques qui visent à libérer ces forces des entraves étatiques, et un mode de gouvernance qui s'inspire de la gestion des entreprises ...

This dissertation aims to study the economic, social, political and ideological transformations that have characterized the development of neoliberalism in the United States, from the rise of the conservative movement that brought Ronald Reagan to power in 1980 to the financial crisis of 2008. Neoliberalism can be defined as an ideology that claims the free market and the private sector to be superior to government intervention, as a package of economic policies that aim to liberate market forces from government constraints, and as a mode of governance based on corporate management practices. Although many studies have been published on neoliberalism, each of them tends to focus on a limited dimension of the subject, such as its ideological, political, or international dimension. Given this fragmentation, there is a lack of studies that attempt to understand the specific development of neoliberalism in the United States from a holistic point of view. In order to achieve this goal, Jean-Paul Sartre's "progressive-regressive" method appears to be an effective approach. While Sartre developed this method as an epistemological tool for the humanities, few researchers have attempted to make use of it. By applying it to the study of American neoliberalism, this dissertation hopes to contribute not only to the knowledge a topical subject, but also to the development of new research methods in the field of civilizational studies. ; L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier les transformations économiques, sociales, politiques et idéologiques qui caractérisent le développement du néolibéralisme aux États-Unis, depuis l'essor du mouvement conservateur qui porta Ronald Reagan au pouvoir en 1980 jusqu'à la crise financière de 2008. Par néolibéralisme, on entend une idéologie qui postule la supériorité des forces du marché et du secteur privé sur l'intervention de l'État, un ensemble de politiques qui visent à libérer ces forces des entraves étatiques, et un mode de gouvernance qui s'inspire de la gestion des entreprises privées. À la lecture des nombreux ouvrages consacrés au néolibéralisme, on peut constater un morcellement des connaissances sur certains aspects particuliers du sujet, telles que ses dimensions idéologique, politique ou internationale ; il manque des études qui tentent de concevoir le néolibéralisme à la fois dans sa globalité et dans la spécificité de son développement aux États-Unis. Il nous est paru que la méthode dite « progressive-régressive » de Jean-Paul Sartre permettrait de faire la synthèse qui manque à la littérature actuelle. Bien que Sartre ait développé cette méthode dialectique à l'attention des chercheurs en sciences humaines et sociales, ce cadre épistémologique cherche encore ses adeptes. En l'appliquant au néolibéralisme américain, nous espérons donc contribuer non seulement à la connaissance d'un grand sujet d'actualité, mais aussi au développement des méthodes de recherche dans le champ des études civilisationnistes.