Suchergebnisse

In this discussion, my aim is to raise critical practical and theoretical questions as regards multiculturalism. I wish to end with a sketch of a program for a viable multiculturalism. The issues in this relatively new area of political and philosophical thought are not restricted to theoretical issues. They involve practical questions of how it is possible to implement multiculturalism in more than a one-sided way in the current neoliberal economic context. In view of this aspect of the issue, it has already become a topic of serious public debate. ; Este ensayo trae a colación importantes puntos, tanto teóricos como prácticos,desde la perspectiva de la teoría crítica, con referencia al multiculturalismo. Me interesa delinear lo que sería una línea programática para un multiculturalismo viable. Tomando en cuenta el contexto neoliberal actual, me interesa enfatizar el problema práctico de hacer posible un multiculturalismo que no sea exclusivamente neoliberal, problema que ha logrado instalarse en el debate público con toda su intensidad.

This paper is aimed to analyze the liberalism in its political and economic aspects which are the fundamentals for the emergence of the liberal state and the capitalist system. With this background it is analyzed the neoliberalism as a development model impulsed by capitalism which opposes to the economic nationalism model. Finally, it is concluded that neoliberalism can cohabit with contemporary economic nationalism in the design of an economic policy and in the promotion of new alternatives of development models which imply relationships of co-operation between the State, the market and the community. ; Este trabajo se propone analizar el liberalismo en sus vertientes político y económico que son los fundamentos del surgimiento del Estado liberal y del sistema capitalista. Con estos antecedentes se analiza el neoliberalismo como modelo de desarrollo impulsado por el capitalismo que se opone al modelo de desarrollo del nacionalismo económico. Finalmente se concluye que el neoliberalismo puede cohabitar con el nacionalismo económico contemporáneo en el diseño de una política económica y en la promoción de nuevas alternativas de modelos de desarrollo que implique relaciones de cooperación entre el Estado, el mercado y la comunidad.

Abstract: In the article, the concept of scientific paradigm proposed by Thomas Kuhn is associated with the developments of the main rational models of economic behavior's explanation within the framework of the General Equilibria perspective. Immediately, an analysis is made of the main hegemonic theoretical streams of the Economy, identifying them as an epistemological dynamics itself; so that, as Kuhnian paradigms, they undergo transformations due to the concrete facts and hegemonistic dynamics of the different groups of researchers and their ideological perspectives. This is intended to make clear the social nature of economic science and the influence of political-ideological factors on it and its economic policies proposals.

With the crisis that broke out in the financial market in 2008 many social scientists diagnosed a growing "discontent in globalization" (Stiglitz, 2007). This discontent brings with it a series of very different phenomena: the resurgence of nationalism, the breaking off of institutionalized solidarity pacts, the struggle over the legitimacy of the welfare state, the growing influence of racist public discourses and political parties, the political mobilization of xenophobia, a new wave of criticism of social inequalities, as well as new demands for social protection that may confront the most damaging effects of unregulated capitalism. The hypothesis that I would like to defend in this paper states that, in the context of this discontent with globalization, new forms of social authoritarianism have been consolidated, constituting a specific constellation of phenomena, which need to be investigated in their particularity. ; Con la crisis que estalló en el mercado financiero en 2008, muchos científicos sociales diagnosticaron un creciente "malestar en la globalización" (Stiglitz, 2007). Este malestar trajo asociados, junto con los padecimientos que provoca directamente la crisis económica, una serie de fenómenos muy diferentes: el resurgimiento del nacionalismo, la ruptura de pactos de solidaridad institucionalizados, la lucha en torno a la legitimidad del estado de bienestar, la creciente influencia de discursos públicos y partidos políticos racistas, la movilización política de la xenofobia, una nueva oleada de críticas a las desigualdades sociales, así como nuevas demandas de protección social orientadas a contener los efectos más dañinos del capitalismo desregulado. La hipótesis que quisiera defender en este trabajo afirma que, en el contexto de este malestar con la globalización, se han consolidado nuevas formas de autoritarismo social que constituyen una constelación específica de fenómenos, y que precisan ser investigados en su particularidad.

This article discusses neoliberalism and neo-constitutionalism and their impact on democracy in the national and international context and their ideological, political, economic and social changes during the last four decades and the inevitable and necessary reactions to the worldwide hegemonic model that has had to be confronted in their negative effects on the economic and social development and the welfare of peoples. In the national territory, there has been an upswing of intensive and rising social movements opposed to free trade agreements, privatization and handing over of the public and the national markets to transnational capital in the defence of agricultural and industrial production, food sovereignty, education and health as fundamental rights and of the massive rejection of their commodification. The nature of neoliberalism and neo-constitutionalism and their impact on democracy is questioned. A socio-legal and interdisciplinary approach is applied integrating this together with historic and logic analysis and synthesis and by the use of primary and secondary sources. ; El artículo trata sobre el neoliberalismo, el neoconstitucionalismo y su impacto en la democracia, en el contexto nacional e internacional de las últimas cuatro décadas y sus cambios ideológicos, políticos, económicos y sociales. Las inevitables y necesarias reacciones al modelo hegemónico mundial, que enfrentan sus efectos negativos para el desarrollo económico social y para el bienestar de los pueblos. En el territorio nacional, el ascenso intensivo de movimientos sociales opuestos al aperturismo, a los tratados de libre comercio, a las privatizaciones y a la entrega de lo público y del mercado nacional al capital transnacional, por la defensa de la producción agraria e industrial nacional, la soberanía alimentaria, la educación y la salud como derechos fundamentales y por el rechazo masivo a su mercantilización. Se cuestiona la naturaleza del neoliberalismo, del neoconstitucionalismo y su impacto en la democracia. Se aplica un enfoque socio jurídico e interdisciplinario. Se integran los métodos histórico y lógico, el análisis y la síntesis y se utilizan las fuentes primarias y las secundarias.

Con el fin de examinar la validez de la identificación habitual del ideario neoliberal con un discurso ideológico, este trabajo parte del análisis del carácter fetichista que Marx atribuye en El capital a la forma mercancía, de cuya consideración se desprende una cierta acepción del concepto de ideología según la cual ésta se revelaría tanto verdadera como falsa. Para determinar si esta definición de la ideología se deja aplicar a la teoría neoliberal, se acude al estudio de sus rasgos fundamentales, en su relación de continuidad y discontinuidad con respecto al liberalismo económico, llevado a cabo por Michel Foucault en Nacimiento de la biopolítica. En un momento posterior se atiende a las características que David Harvey detecta en el llamado capitalismo flexible como última etapa del capitalismo coincidente con la implementación política de la doctrina neoliberal. En función del trayecto recorrido se propone la hipótesis de que esta teoría constituiría una forma de ideología que, en línea con el pensamiento marxiano, entraña tanto una dimensión de verdad como de falsedad. ; In order to examine whether the usual identification of neoliberal ideas with an ideological discourse is valid, this paper starts off with an analysis of what Marx terms commodity fetishism in Capital, based on which a certain sense of the concept of ideology may be inferred which would result in its being both true and false. In order to determine whether this definition of ideology may be applied to neoliberal theory, we look at its fundamental features and how they continue with or break away from economic liberalism as studied in Michel Foucault's Birth of biopolitics. Attention is later moved to the characteristics detected by David Harvey in the socalled flexible accumulation as the latest stage of capitalism which coincides with the political implementation of neoliberal doctrine. At the end of the road travelled, it is hypothesised that this theory would be a form of ideology containing a dimension of both truth and falsehood, in line with Marx's thought.

The following text is proposed to reflect on the curricular policies of post-dictatorship neoliberal governments, in relation to History. The hypothesis is these curricular policies are associated with the regime of present historicity typical of neoliberal societies after the fall of Berlin Wall, and not exclusively with forgetting policies of recent history. ; El siguiente texto se propone reflexionar en torno a las políticas curriculares de los gobiernos neoliberales postdictaduras, en relación con la disciplina histórica. La hipótesis que se sostiene es que dichas políticas están asociadas al régimen de historicidad presentista propio de las sociedades neoliberales post caída del Muro de Berlín y no exclusivamente a políticas de olvido de la historia reciente.

El debate teórico sobre las reacciones entre la concepción neoliberal y la filosofía apenas si ha llamado la atención de la sociedad contemporánea. El interés se ha centrado básicamente en el aspecto económico social. En este artículo se da cuenta, someramente, de tres dominios conceptuales que entran en el debate: economía política y teología. Los autores considerados son Adam Smith, John Rawls y Michel Novack. ; Theoretical discussion on reactions between the neoliberal conception and philosophy have hardly attracted attention in contemporary society. Interest has centered mainly on socio-economic aspects. A brief statement is made of three conceptual domains participating in the discussion: economics, politics and theology. The authors considered are Adam Smith, John Rawls and Michel Novack.

En la sociedad neoliberal, que ha moldeado la figura de una subjetividad que asume riesgos y actúa por sus propios medios por iniciativa privada, los procesos económicos se explican a partir de las conductas de individuos libres y racionales que acuden al mercado para insertarse en su dinámica de competencia. Con esto, las condiciones específicas y objetivas que definen la estructura social, la cual establece el marco de acción posible en la que los sujetos se comprenden y realizan sus fines, quedan relegadas a un segundo plano. Sin embargo, la sociedad no es solo el resultado de la acción espontánea de los individuos que la componen. Así, a partir de elementos aportados por la concepción marxiana de la sociedad capitalista, el presente artículo pone de relieve la necesidad de establecer la prioridad de la estructura social en tanto esta define el campo de acción de los individuos y condiciona sus resultados. ; The neoliberal society has shaped the figure of an autonomous subjectivity that assumes risks and acts by its own means appealing to its private initiative. The economic analyzes that are made from this approach are carried out from a model of free and rational individual that goes to the market and is inserted in its dynamics of competition. With this, the specific elements and objectives that define the social structure are lost sight of, which establishes the framework of possible action that covers individuals, in which they realize their ends. Society is not, then, the result of the spontaneous action of the different individuals that compose it. Therefore, appealing to some elements introduced by Marx for his critique of political economy, this article aims to highlight the existence of a presupposed social structure that defines the field of action for individuals and conditions their results.

The neoliberal justification of globalization affirms the need for the logic and dynamics of market institutions to penetrate and determine all spheres of social life; for the rules of market functioning, defined by the categories of productivity, growth, competition and utility, to become the determining axis of social organization. Against this "economist" vision of globalization, which by annulling politics causes demotivation and apathy, we are trying to develop another understanding in which the capitalist market system is framed by a conception of politics oriented towards the creation of the social, political and economic conditions that make possible the consolidation and enjoyment of real freedoms for all citizens. ; En la justificación neoliberal de la globalización se afirma la necesidad de que la lógica y la dinámica de las instituciones del mercado penetren y determinen todos los ámbitos de la vida social; que las reglas de funcionamiento del mercado, definidas por las categorías de productividad, crecimiento, competencia y utilidad, se conviertan en el eje determinante de la organización social. Contra esta visión "economista" de la globalización, que al anular la política provoca desmotivación y apatía, se intenta desarrollar otra comprensión en la cual el sistema del mercado capitalista esté enmarcado por una concepción de la política orientada a la creación de las condiciones sociales, políticas y económicas que hagan posible la consolidación y el disfrute de las libertades reales para todos lo ciudadanos.

El presente artículo analiza desde el campo de comunicación y educación el proyecto neurocientífico que pretendió prevalecer en las políticas educativas durante el gobierno de Cambiemos 2015-2019. Un proyecto que fue caracterizado por su reduccionismo epistemológico y una concepción biopolítica de la sociedad, el cual empleó técnicas biologicistas para vincular la neurociencia con la educación. A partir de una metodología cualitativa, este artículo analiza las lógicas mercantiles y empresariales que sustentan la condición neurocientífica hegemónica en distintos espacios comunicacionales y educativos. A ello apunta este artículo, a problematizar la subjetividad empresarial y a revelar las contradicciones que presenta el modelo neoliberal con las políticas educativas. ; This article analyzes from the field of communication and education the neuroscientific project that sought to prevail in educational policies during the government of Cambiemos 2015-2019. A project that was characterized by its epistemological reductionism and a biopolitical conception of society, which used biologic techniques to link neuroscience with education. Starting from a qualitative methodology, this article analyzes the mercantile and business logics that sustain the hegemonic neuroscientific condition in different communication and educational spaces. This is what this article aims at, to problematize business subjectivity and to reveal the contradictions that the neoliberal model presents with educational policies. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

This thesis intends to analyze the logics of representation of contemporary femininity in the popular imagery that has instrumentalized feminism. Such is the case of the transmedia narrative The Twilight Saga, the cultural franchise of 50 Shades of Grey, and TV fiction Girls. All of these cultural products have earned an important position in contemporary cultural consumption, invite a form of cultural participation closely linked to the consumer industry, and propose female ideals characterized by a strong sentiment of freedom of choice. However, these ideals are inserted within an androcentric, heteronormative discourse that redirects femininity toward a traditional narrative order. In my analysis we will point out how, under the illusion of a free and autonomous social participation, a meritocratic system of social regulation where feminist criticism stands out as redundant is legitimized. I analyze how the neoliberal economic and socio-cultural project, which develops the idea of an (allegedly) democratic society, promotes the illusion that women enjoy a high social participation and visibility from which they can construct their cultural identity, celebrating feelings of freedom, choice, and female empowerment.

This thesis intends to analyze the logics of representation of contemporary femininity in the popular imagery that has instrumentalized feminism. Such is the case of the transmedia narrative The Twilight Saga, the cultural franchise of 50 Shades of Grey, and TV fiction Girls. All of these cultural products have earned an important position in contemporary cultural consumption, invite a form of cultural participation closely linked to the consumer industry, and propose female ideals characterized by a strong sentiment of freedom of choice. However, these ideals are inserted within an androcentric, heteronormative discourse that redirects femininity toward a traditional narrative order. In my analysis we will point out how, under the illusion of a free and autonomous social participation, a meritocratic system of social regulation where feminist criticism stands out as redundant is legitimized. I analyze how the neoliberal economic and socio-cultural project, which develops the idea of an (allegedly) democratic society, promotes the illusion that women enjoy a high social participation and visibility from which they can construct their cultural identity, celebrating feelings of freedom, choice, and female empowerment.