The stereotype of "Platonic love" that developed during the Renaissance implies a type of relationship, between two people of the opposite gender, which does not involve sexual activity. A new examination of certain relevant texts by Neoplatonists such as Plotinus, Porphyry, Hierocles, Hermias, Proclus and Olympiodorus, written during the period of Late Antiquity, establish that the question of sexuality is present in the very architecture of their systems, thus maintaining a coherent approach over time. "Mixed love", tending towards the sexual union that enables the conception of children, is morally good. Through an exegesis of the Symposium, Phaedrus and First Alcibiades, each of these Neoplatonic philosophers explores sexuality through the prisms of cosmology, ethics and political theory.
While Neoplatonists have little to say on the topic of conflict and violence in their ethics or political philosophy, they use these concepts in order to discuss other issues. Plotinus considers violence as a way of testing one's alignment with the cosmic order set by Providence. Porphyry and Iamblichus shift the emphasis to withdrawal from the body and universal cosmodicy, neutralizing the special role of violence. Proclus walks in their footsteps, but also gives a new epistemological meaning to conflict: civil war within the soul is a necessary condition for learning and doing philosophy. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
The conserved readings of Olympidorus on some dialogues of Plato imply an audience with limited philosophical experience as opposed to those carried out by Proclus, and even Damascius. However, such readings reveal an acute sensitivity to the ethical issues of the early Platonic dialogues and their dramatic context. It is commonly recognized that the Neoplatonic school of Alexandria, compared to the school of Athens, gives more room to Aristotelianism in its elaboration of some philosophical doctrines. In this sense, the present work tries to investigate such consideration in one of his conserved works, On Plato First Alcibiades. By discussing the skopós of the dialogue and the reading of Proclus and Damascius, Olympiodorus seems to give rise to more than one skopós: political as well as cathartic and contemplative. All this within the framework of the hierarchy of Neoplatonic virtues, in which both the Aristotelian imprint and the Stoic influence are perceived. ; Las lecturas conservadas de Olimpidoro sobre algunos diálogos de Platón implican una audiencia con experiencia filosófica limitada por contraposición a las que han llevado a cabo Proclo, e incluso Damascio. Sin embargo, tales lecturas revelan una sensibilidad aguda por las cuestiones éticas de los primeros diálogos platónicos y su contexto dramático. Es comúnmente reconocido que la escuela neoplatónica de Alejandría, frente a la escuela de Atenas, da más lugar al aristotelismo en su elaboración de algunas doctrinas filosóficas. En tal sentido, el presente trabajo pretende indagar tal consideración en una de sus obras conservadas, Sobre el Alcibíades I de Platón. Discutiendo el skopós del diálogo y la lectura de Proclo y Damascio, Olimpiodoro parece dar lugar a más de un skopós: político como catártico y contemplativo. Todo ello en el marco de la jerarquía de las virtudes neoplatónicas, en el cual se percibe tanto la impronta aristotélica como la influencia estoica.
Es de sobra conocida la influencia que el neoplatonismo ejerció sobre algunos de los motivos iconográficos más extendidos de la emblemática, pero lo que quizá se ha puesto menos de relieve es que la propia forma del emblema, su manera de transmitir conocimiento a través de jeroglíficos y frases enigmáticas, y su particular conexión entre imagen y lenguaje son deudoras de la nueva epistemología propuesta por Marsilio Ficino. De este modo, la emblemática, más que ofrecer una serie de ejemplos morales, políticos o religiosos, presenta en sí misma la forma neoplatónica de entender el mundo, la búsqueda incansable del saber original que tuvo el ser humano en el Paraíso y que se perdió tras el Pecado Original, y el constante intento de conocer el mundo a través de las imágenes simbólicas. ; The influence of Neoplatonism in some of the most popular iconographies in emblems is very well known, but perhaps less studied, is the shape of the emblems as a way of transmitting knowledge through hieroglyphs and enigmatic sentences. This particular connection between image and language are consequences of the new epistemology proposed by Marsilio Ficino. Thus, emblems not only offer a set of moral, political or religious examples, but also reflect a Neoplatonic way of understanding the world, the tireless search of the original wisdom that human beings had in Paradise lost after the Original Sin, and the continuous attempt to understand the world through symbolic images. ; Área de Historia del Arte, UPO. ; Postprint
Poliziano´s Favola d´Orfeo (1480) is one of the most rich and enigmatic literary works of the Renaissance, specially in terms of the debate it has generated amongst scholars when discerning its allegorical background. Starting from its general contextualization within the simbolic program of Marsilio Ficino´s Florentine Accademy, this paper aims to show: (1) Its uniqueness with regards to the rest of Renaissance philosophical and literary productions of orphic subject; (2) Its particular critical reception of three basic elements of the ficinian system: love, frenzy and catharsis; and (3) Its adoption of a new moralising tendency within Renaissance neoplatonism in explicit accordance with Christianity. ; La Favola d' Orfeo (1480) de Ángelo Poliziano es uno de los escritos literarios más ricos y enigmáticos del Renacimiento, especialmente en lo que respecta al debate que ha suscitado entre los especialistas a la hora de discernir su trasfondo alegórico. Partiendo de la contextualización general de la obra en el programa simbólico de la Academia neoplatónica de Marsilio Ficino, este artículo tiene por objeto demostrar: (1) Su singularidad en relación al resto de producciones filosóficas y literarias renacentistas de temática órfica; (2) Su particular recepción crítica de tres elementos fundamentales del sistema ficiniano: el amor, el furor y la catarsis; y (3) Su adopción de una novedosa tendencia de corte moralizante en el seno del neoplatonismo renacentista que se halla en explícita consonancia con el cristianismo.
The interpretation of Greek-Latin Antiquity developed by Michel Foucault in his latest publications and courses at the College of France makes little place for neoplatonism. The hermeneutical nature of the subject, the only text in which it is discussed with any attention, presents it as a mere extension of the philosophy of Platon, which is part of the 'platonician model' of self-concern, which Foucault faces with the Greek-Roman and Christian models, but it is among the neoplatonician commentators of the Alcibiade that Foucault finds some distinctions. in particular, between 'politics' and 'cathartic', which underpin the construction and articulation of these three models, this architectural role of late neoplatonicians goes hand in hand with the almost complete absence of another neoplatonism, that of Plotin, which at first sight seems to find its place better in an approach characterised by 'spiritual exercises'. The treatment of Neoplatonism is therefore symptomatic of the foucaldian reading of the history of ancient philosophy, which is built both by its exclusions and by its focus. ; International audience The interpretation of the greco-latin Antiquity developed by Michel Foucault in his last published books and his last lectures at the Collège de France makes little room to Neoplatonism. The only text which deals with it, L'Herméneutique du sujet, presents Neoplatonism as a simple continuation of Plato's philosophy, akin to the so-called "Platonic model" of the concern with oneself, to be then confronted by Foucault to the Hellenistic-roman and the Christian models. However, the Neoplatonic commentators of Alcibiades provided Foucault with crucial distinctions, like "political" and "cathartic" for instance, which are the common base and link of the three models that are built upon them. Furthermore, this architectonic part played by the late Neoplatonists goes along with an almost complete omission of another Neoplatonist, Plotinus, the works of which would seem at first sight far more consonant with a ...
This paper explores the central thesis of the story of Atlantis put forward by Proclus in his Commentary on Plato's Timaeus. For Proclus, who interprets this story eight centuries after his invention by Plato, the Atlantean account does not constitute the "birth of fiction", nor a historical novel composed in order to critize the politics of his time, but a total historical account, "entirely true". The conflict between ancient Athens, the city of Athena, and Atlantis, dedicated to Poseidon, exposes an episode of the constitution of the cosmos of which the history of humanity is a part. Therefore, the story of Atlantis is a representation of the new creation or second demiurgy. ; This paper benefited from the support of two Spanish R&D projects: Acis&Galatea H2015/HUM-3362 (Community of Madrid) and HAR2017-83613- C2-2-P (Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness), and is part of the activities of the UAM Research Group: "Influences of Greek Ethics on Contemporary Philosophy" (Ref. F-055)
Entered in Index librorum prohibitorum by decree of 27 June 1850. ; "Ouvrage couronné par l'Institut (Académie des sciences morales et politiques)." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the statesman Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner. ; The paper examines the relation of esotericism and oblique politics in the Byzantine philosopher Michael Psellos (11th century) on the basis of Eva De Vries' study of the letters that Psellos addressed to the statesman Leo Paraspondylos. Traditionally, the name of Psellos signifies a revival of Neoplatonism in medieval Constantinople according to researchers like Chr. Zervos in the beginning of 20th century. Contemporary researchers such as Anthony Kaldellis and Stratis Papaioannou point to a more organic than speculative theorization in Psellos' work while another contemporary scholar, Frederick Lauritzen, undertakes a synthesis of the two approaches. In any case, as this paper supports, it would be inadequate to consider the relation of esotericism to politics without referring to the evolution of the moral standards considered in a contextualized manner.
This essay discusses how in the Renaissance period, when revenge tragedies were considered the trend in terms of artistic composition and entertainment, Thomas Kyd's The Spanish Tragedy becomes a more complex and developed notion of this genre. Kyd introduces a plot of male violence and political chaos but above all, a psychological developed female character. Bel-Imperia is the focus of my analysis. At a time of social and political unrest, why is she the one to restore social order through a relative successful act of revenge? What are the reasons motivating her deeds? This paper shows the importance of Bel-Imperia's love in the success of revenge. By analyzing Bel-Imperia's deeds and language, and in contrast with the main male character, Hieronimo, the argument of love as a purveyor of social order gains force and becomes the embodiment of a notion of spiritual love that imposes itself over patriarchy, violence and madness. ; Aquest treball analitza en profunditat l'obra clau de Thomas Kyd The Spanish Tragedy per a mostrar que és molt més complexa que una típica tragèdia Senequista. Més específicament, la intenció d'aquest treball és mostrar com la venjança més exitosa és aquella que es basa no en instints, violència i passions desenfrenades, però en amor espiritual. Centrant-nos en el personatge femení, Bel-Imperia, és possible desestabilitzar les visions d'acadèmics per mostrar que la relevància d'aquest personatge ve donada per la motivació de la seva venjança, una motivació honorable que posa èmfasi en els sentiments profunds i lleials d'una amant, l'amor espiritual. De fet, és gràcies a l'amor que la venjança s'acompleix deixant una sensación de pau i ordre social. De fet, només l'amor és capaç de fer justícia on la llei mateixa no n'és capaç.
El objetivo del presente trabajo es detenerse en la lectura de las tesis metafísicas del Liber de causis en el De ecclesiastica potestate de Egidio Romano. La hipótesis de este estudio es que los modelos causales desarrollados en ambos textos son distintos, y por ende las tesis metafísicas del primero no pueden ser fundamento de las tesis políticas del segundo. Tanto en el Liber de causis como en el De ecclesiastica potestate las cadenas causales son únicas. Es decir, en ambos textos «todo el poder» proviene de Dios. Sin embargo, ello no implica que en el Liber de causis de Dios provenga «el poder de todo», ya que, por el contrario, las causas segundas son soberanas en su operación. En consecuencia, el modelo político de la «plenitudo potestatis» - y de la caducidad del orden jurídico - construido en el De ecclesiastica potestate no puede ser derivado de la metafísica desplegada en el Liber de causis. ; This paper examines how the metaphysical theses of the Liber de causis are read in De ecclesiastica potestate of Giles of Rome. The hypothesis of this study is that the causal models developed in both texts are different, and therefore the metaphysical theses of the first cannot be the basis for the political theses of the second. Both in the Liber de causis and in De ecclesiastica potestate there is only one causal chain, i.e. in both texts "all power" comes from God. However, this does not imply that in the Liber de causis "the power of all" comes from God. On the contrary, in the Liber de causis, the secondary causes are sovereign in their action. Thus, the political model of the "plenitudo potestatis" - and of expiry of the legal order - built in De ecclesiastica potestate cannot be derived from the metaphysics set out in the Liber de causis.
El objetivo del presente trabajo es detenerse en la lectura de las tesis metafísicas del Liber de causis en el De ecclesiastica potestate de Egidio Romano. La hipótesis de este estudio es que los modelos causales desarrollados en ambos textos son distintos, y por ende las tesis metafísicas del primero no pueden ser fundamento de las tesis políticas del segundo. Tanto en el Liber de causis como en el De ecclesiastica potestate las cadenas causales son únicas. Es decir, en ambos textos «todo el poder» proviene de Dios. Sin embargo, ello no implica que en el Liber de causis de Dios provenga «el poder de todo», ya que, por el contrario, las causas segundas son soberanas en su operación. En consecuencia, el modelo político de la «plenitudo potestatis» - y de la caducidad del orden jurídico - construido en el De ecclesiastica potestate no puede ser derivado de la metafísica desplegada en el Liber de causis. This paper examines how the metaphysical theses of the Liber de causis are read in De ecclesiastica potestate of Giles of Rome. The hypothesis of this study is that the causal models developed in both texts are different, and therefore the metaphysical theses of the first cannot be the basis for the political theses of the second. Both in the Liber de causis and in De ecclesiastica potestate there is only one causal chain, i.e. in both texts "all power" comes from God. However, this does not imply that in the Liber de causis "the power of all" comes from God. On the contrary, in the Liber de causis, the secondary causes are sovereign in their action. Thus, the political model of the "plenitudo potestatis" - and of expiry of the legal order - built in De ecclesiastica potestate cannot be derived from the metaphysics set out in the Liber de causis. ; El objetivo del presente trabajo es detenerse en la lectura de las tesis metafísicas del Liber de causis en el De ecclesiastica potestate de Egidio Romano. La hipótesis de este estudio es que los modelos causales desarrollados en ambos textos son distintos, y por ende las tesis metafísicas del primero no pueden ser fundamento de las tesis políticas del segundo. Tanto en el Liber de causis como en el De ecclesiastica potestate las cadenas causales son únicas. Es decir, en ambos textos «todo el poder» proviene de Dios. Sin embargo, ello no implica que en el Liber de causis de Dios provenga «el poder de todo», ya que, por el contrario, las causas segundas son soberanas en su operación. En consecuencia, el modelo político de la «plenitudo potestatis» - y de la caducidad del orden jurídico - construido en el De ecclesiastica potestate no puede ser derivado de la metafísica desplegada en el Liber de causis. This paper examines how the metaphysical theses of the Liber de causis are read in De ecclesiastica potestate of Giles of Rome. The hypothesis of this study is that the causal models developed in both texts are different, and therefore the metaphysical theses of the first cannot be the basis for the political theses of the second. Both in the Liber de causis and in De ecclesiastica potestate there is only one causal chain, i.e. in both texts "all power" comes from God. However, this does not imply that in the Liber de causis "the power of all" comes from God. On the contrary, in the Liber de causis, the secondary causes are sovereign in their action. Thus, the political model of the "plenitudo potestatis" - and of expiry of the legal order - built in De ecclesiastica potestate cannot be derived from the metaphysics set out in the Liber de causis.
This paper argues that the Liber de Causis was a source for both Egidio Romano`s and Dante Alighieri`s philosophical and political treatises. Both authors used a Neoplatonic model of causality in order to sustein opposite theories on the relationship between temporal and spiritual powers. Egidio bases the direct intervention of the pope in temporalibus on the annulment of the second causes which operate in Creation. On the contrary, in Dante`s political theory, the intermediary powers between the emperor and the subjects are precisely that which allows —from a theoretical point of view— a certain independence of the temporal power from the spiritual one. ; Este trabajo sostiene que Egidio Romano y Dante Alighieri han utilizado el Liber de Causis como fuente de sus tratados de filosofía política. Asimismo, ambos autores han trasladado al ámbito político el modelo de causalidad neoplatónico para defender tesis opuestas respecto del problema de la autonomía de los poderes espiritual y temporal. Mientras que, para fundamentar la intervención directa del papa en los asuntos del poder temporal, Egidio postula la anulación de las causas segundas que actúan sobre la realidad; en la teoría de Dante sobre el imperio, la no cancelación de los poderes intermedios entre el emperador y los súbditos permite establecer conceptualmente una cierta autonomía del poder temporal respecto del espiritual.
Este trabajo sostiene que Egidio Romano y Dante Alighieri han utilizado el Liber de Causiscomo fuen-te de sus tratados de filosofía política. Asimismo, ambos autores han trasladado al ámbito político el modelo de causalidad neoplatónico para defender tesis opuestas respecto del problema de la autonomía de los poderes espiritual y temporal. Mientras que, para fundamentar la intervención directa del papa en los asuntos del poder temporal, Egidio postula la anulación de las causas segundas que actúan sobre la realidad; en la teoría de Dante sobre el imperio, la no cancelación de los poderes intermedios entre el emperador y los súbditos permite establecer conceptualmente una cierta autonomía del poder temporal respecto del espiritual. ; This paper argues that the Liber de Causiswas a source for both Egidio Romano`s and Dante Ali-ghieri`s philosophical and political treatises. Both authors used a Neoplatonic model of causality in orderto sustein opposite theories on the relationship between temporal and spiritual powers. Egidio bases thedirect intervention of the pope in temporalibuson the annulment of the second causes which operate inCreation. On the contrary, in Dante`s political theory, the intermediary powers between the emperor andthe subjects are precisely that which allows —from a theoretical point of view— a certain independenceof the temporal power from the spiritual one
La doctrina neoplatónica procleana -tal como ingresó al occidente latino a través del Liber de causis- constituye una influencia filosófica verificable en los tratados políticos de Dante Alighieri. En efecto, esta tradición de pensamiento ofrece elementos teóricos que permiten justificar el no-averroísmo de Dante y, por lo tanto, mostrar que nuestro autor no sostuvo la denominada herejía monopsiquista. En ese sentido entonces, la investigación relativa al significado de la fórmula tota-simul-semper en el marco de la recepción de textos neoplatónicos puede constituir el punto de partida para la comprensión de la teoría política de Dante. ; One of the ways in which Proclus' neoplatonic doctrine has entered the Latin West was by the Liber de causis. This is a verifiable philosophical influence in the political treatises of Dante Alighieri. Indeed, this tradition of thought offers theoretical elements that justify the non-averroism of Dante, showing that our author did not hold the, so called, monopsychist heresy. Is in that sense, that the research on the meaning of the formula tota - simul - semper in the context of the neoplatonic philosophy can be the starting point for understanding the political theory of Dante.
