Suchergebnisse

Purpose: This paper draws upon prior research that built a theoretical framework for the emergence of social enterprise ecosystems based upon the biological evolutionary theory. This paper aims to extend this previous research by practically applying the said theory to the development of stakeholder and institutional networks across Europe. Design/methodology/approach: Data from in-depth semi-structured interviews and focus groups were analysed using Constant Comparison Method. Data were generated from discussions with 258 key stakeholders in ten countries across Europe, exploring the historical, political, social, legal and economic factors that influence the patterns of a social enterprise seen in each country. Findings: The results identify the emergence of four social enterprise ecosystem types (Statist-macro, Statist-micro, Private-macro and Private-micro). These are used to explain the differences found in each of the ten country's social enterprise ecosystems. The results are discussed in relation to the evolutionary theory in social entrepreneurship and how "genetic" and "epigenetic" factors lead to the divergence of social enterprise ecosystems, and the impact that this has on the stakeholders and institutions that are present within them. Originality/value: A typology of ecosystems is presented, which can be used by policymakers across Europe to understand how best to support their local social economies.

La irrupción masiva de las Tecnologías de la Información y la Conectividad (TICs) está produciendo cambios radicales en la configuración de las prácticas sociales en ámbitos tan variados como la política, la economía y la cultura. Una de las dimensiones de cambio que están produciendo las TICs es una reformulación de las concepciones de tiempo y espacio, que se traducen en una creciente tendencia a la deslocalización y la desterritorialización. En el ámbito de la educación, esas tendencias se reflejan en la aparición de nuevas prácticas de enseñanza-aprendizaje como las denominadas "Comunidades de práctica" o el "Aprendizaje Ubicuo". A la luz de algunas dimensiones de la experiencia latinoamericana y argentina, en este último caso sumergida en un amplio proceso de reforma curricular del nivel Primario y Secundario, vistas a partir de la elaboración de un marco teórico pertinente, este trabajo busca sumariar los principales problemas que se presentan a la hora de introducir las TICs en los sistemas educativos nacionales en general partiendo de la tensión que se surge las nuevas formas de transmisión del conocimiento que ellas proponen frente a una concepción institucionalizada del saber y el poder transmitida a través de un rol docente bien definido que, ahora, ha entrado en un creciente cuestionamiento. ; The massive eruption of Information Technology and Connectivity (ICT) is producing radical changes in the configuration of social practices in fields as diverse as politics, economics, and culture. One dimension of change that are occurring ICT is a reformulation of the concepts of time and space, resulting in a growing trend towards outsourcing and deterritorialization. In the field of education, these trends are reflected in the emergence of new practices of teaching and learning as so-called "Communities of Practice" or "ubiquitous learning". In light of some dimensions of Latin American and Argentina experience, in the latter case immersed in an extensive process of curriculum reform of elementary and secondary, seen from the development of a relevant theoretical framework, this paper seeks to summarize the main problems that arise when introducing ICT in national education systems in general based on the voltage that new forms of transmission of knowledge they propose in front of an institutionalized conception of knowledge and the transmitted power through a role is arises well it defined teaching that has now entered into a growing questioning. ; Fil: Arbelo, Hernando Javier.

Communication and collaboration are critical for designing and implementing responses to climate change impacts and related disasters. This acknowledgement has increased interest in understanding social and institutional networks for climate change adaptation (CCA) and disaster risk reduction (DRR). In this study, we used Social Network Analysis (SNA) to explore institutional interactions within and across the communities of the aforementioned domains in Europe. Firstly, we investigated the type and intensity of interactions. We calculated SNA metrics to assess the roles of different actors and applied cluster analysis to identify actors with similar patterns of connections. SNA showed that communication is often more intensive within the two communities, while collaboration is frequent around topics related to both CCA and DRR. Cluster analysis revealed that actors tied with DRR were more closely connected, while actors tied with CCA and those with mixed connections showed no obvious clustering affinity. The European Climate Adaptation Platform, Climate-ADAPT, had the highest value for various SNA metrics, reflecting its popularity in the network and its potential for enhancing interactions among its actors. Finally, SNA was complemented by qualitative interviews, which emphasised the importance of connecting CCA and DRR in organisational mission and vision statements. ; The research presented in this paper was conducted in the context of the PLACARD project (Grant agreement No. 653255), funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research & Innovation Framework programme. The project aims at sharing knowledge and enhancing collaboration between the CCA and DRR research, policy and practice communities. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)

Honduras has experienced moderate economic growth in the past decade, in line with the rest of the region. Despite this growth track record, limited opportunities for decent jobs for the majority of workers have resulted in stagnant poverty and inequality rates that are still the highest in Central America (CA). In parallel, progress in human development indicators has also been mixed in the last decade. In education, while primary enrollment has significantly increased, low coverage at all other levels of education, inequalities in access and low quality persist. In health, Honduras is close to achieving the 2015 child mortality Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), but maternal mortality, non-communicable diseases (NCDs), and violence pose additional challenges. And despite advances in setting up a social protection system, fiscal sustainability and lack of coordination among interventions prevail, undermining poverty reduction efforts. The ability of the Honduras government to expand safety nets, to increase the access and quality of public education and health services, to engage in active labor market policies, and to improve human development indicators in general, remains limited for a number of reasons. First, overall real social public spending has been on the decline in the last few years. Second, low revenues and fiscal deterioration pose challenges to adequately financing needed social sector improvements. Third, challenges in budget formulation and execution (mainly due to institutional factors) also diminish the impact of social spending. But more importantly, Honduras needs to significantly improve the effectiveness and efficiency of its social spending. This note argues that moving forward Honduras should prioritize three main aspects: a) to rationalize and increase the effectiveness of social public spending by enhancing the pro-poor features of targeting mechanisms; b) to significantly redress the imbalance between recurrent spending, especially the wage bill, and capital expenditure; and c) to continue strengthening information systems tools, legislation, and institutions in an effort to consolidate programs into fewer and higher impact interventions.

The social protection in Argentina was formed around a corporate integration that combined labor security with social security. This fact raised a strong dependency between employment and social protection, that is to say, from the access to a formal job, the person acceded to a set of securities such as doctor-welfare, prevision coverage, and those against the risks of work. Upon these bases, the predominant model of social citizenship was constructed, which definitively was mainly linked to labor. Since the mid 70's, with the deep transformation of the economic regime and its high impact on the work market, a gradual cracking of this particular organization of the Argentinean State of welfare will take place. This process will be worsened during the 90's when the rates of unemployment reached standards unknown in the history of the country. Thus, the problem of unemployment, in our understanding, not only introduces questions referred to the work market and the economy but also a reconfiguration of new ways of social protection and particular modalities of social citizenship. ; La protección social en Argentina se configuró alrededor de una integración corporativista que articuló seguridad laboral con seguridad social. Esto planteó una fuerte dependencia entre empleo y protección social, es decir, a partir del acceso a un trabajo formal se accedí­a a un conjunto de seguridades tales como cobertura médico-asistencial, previsional, y ante los riesgos del trabajo. Sobre estas bases, se construyó el modelo predominante de ciudadaní­a social, que definitivamente quedó atada principalmente al empleo. A partir de mediados de los setenta, con la profunda transformación del régimen económico y su alto impacto en el mercado de trabajo, tendrá lugar un paulatino resquebrajamiento de esta particular organización del Estado de bienestar Argentino. Proceso que será agudizado durante los años noventa cuando las tasas de desempleo alcanzaron valores desconocidos en la historia del paí­s. De esta manera, el problema de desempleo a nuestro entender no sólo introduce cuestiones referidas al mercado de trabajo y la economí­a, sino también una reconfiguración de nuevos modos de protección social y modalidades particulares de ciudadaní­a social.

In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents. ; En la última década a nivel internacional la diplomacia se ha adaptado al nuevo contexto tecnológico en el que se enmarcan muchas de las relaciones entre los diferentes actores políticos, sociales y económicos. Los canales online han fortalecido su presencia dentro de las estrategias de comunicación institucional en aras de promover una mejor proyección de su imagen pública y de su reputación digital. De este modo, son muchos los países que han adoptado diferentes medidas para potenciar su diplomacia digital.En el caso de España, las redes sociales se han establecido como uno de los ejes de la ciberdiplomacia con el propósito de atender a los españoles en el extranjero, acercar a los ciudadanos la actividad diplomática y aumentar el conocimiento que en el exterior se tiene del país y de su cultura.El modo en que se configura la presencia española en los medios sociales a través de los perfiles de sus representaciones en el exterior centra la atención de este estudio, que tiene como objetivo conocer la estructura de la diplomacia digital española en redes sociales, así como el uso que se hace de las mismas por parte de los distintos actores digitales._______________________In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents.

Incidents of corruption by local public leaders have increased in Indonesia in the era of a decentralized democratic regime, in which regional governments enjoy greater power and autonomy to manage regional resources. Previous research suggests that the shift of formal power from the central government to regional governments resulted in new actors at the local level becoming involved in corruption. Building on ideas from social capital theory, the current study attempts to complement previous work by analyzing the shifts of public leaders' corruption behavior under the decentralized democratic government. We suggest that besides formal power relations, informal relations are important for initiating and sustaining corruptive transactions, and corruption requires a different social capital base in different institutional settings. The objectives of this paper are (1) to organize current knowledge on institutional change and corruption, (2) to extend current thinking on public leaders' corruption in Indonesia and beyond, and (3) to suggest a framework for future empirical study. We present an empirical study on the link between institutional change and corruption, based on a unique data set of real corruption cases as they were reported in Indonesian public newspapers. Based on this first exploration—which indicates that indeed the nature of corruption networks in Indonesia has altered since decentralization—the proposed theoretical framework is deemed of value for further empirical investigation.

Solving complex environmental problems requires interdisciplinary research involving the social and environmental sciences. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency is working toward solutions-driven research and interdisciplinary integration within its Office of Research and Development. This article details the history of this process and discusses lessons learned from other federal agencies seeking to integrate social and biophysical research: finding the right combination of top down and bottom up approaches; balancing objectives of advancing science and/or supporting programmatic operations; using social science methods to inform the process; and engaging multiple stakeholders. Attention to the social context of scientific practice, including research processes and research use, fosters success. Three strategies for integrating social sciences to support solutions-driven environmental research are: weaving social science throughout the research process, strengthening social networks, and fostering interdisciplinary hubs. Integration into planning and carrying out research has greater transformative potential than integration into product development and distribution. This article provides insights into institutional considerations for advancing interdisciplinarity and the social context of scientific practice in government agencies. It illustrates the multiple decision contexts and inclusion of social science at the science-policy interface.

"Is social media destroying democracy? Are Russian propaganda or ""Fake news"" entrepreneurs on Facebook undermining our sense of a shared reality? A conventional wisdom has emerged since the election of Donald Trump in 2016 that new technologies and their manipulation by foreign actors played a decisive role in his victory and are responsible for the sense of a ""post-truth"" moment in which disinformation and propaganda thrives. Network Propaganda challenges that received wisdom through the most comprehensive study yet published on media coverage of American presidential politics from the start of the election cycle in April 2015 to the one year anniversary of the Trump presidency. Analysing millions of news stories together with Twitter and Facebook shares, broadcast television and YouTube, the book provides a comprehensive overview of the architecture of contemporary American political communications. Through data analysis and detailed qualitative case studies of coverage of immigration, Clinton scandals, and the Trump Russia investigation, the book finds that the right-wing media ecosystem operates fundamentally differently than the rest of the media environment. The authors argue that longstanding institutional, political, and cultural patterns in American politics interacted with technological change since the 1970s to create a propaganda feedback loop in American conservative media. This dynamic has marginalized centre-right media and politicians, radicalized the right wing ecosystem, and rendered it susceptible to propaganda efforts, foreign and domestic. For readers outside the United States, the book offers a new perspective and methods for diagnosing the sources of, and potential solutions for, the perceived global crisis of democratic politics."

Abstract: Funding agencies and universities are increasingly searching for effec-tive ways to support and strengthen a dynamic and competitive scientific research capacity. Many of their funding policies are based on the hypothesis that increased collaboration and networking between researchers and between institutions lead to improved scientific productivity. Although many studies have found positive correlations between academic collaborations and research performance, it is less clear how formal institutional networks contribute to this effect. Using social net-work analysis (SNA) methods, we highlight the distinction between what we define as "formal" institutional research networks and "organic" researcher networks. We also analyze the association between researchers' actual structural position in such networks and their scientific performance. The data used come from cur-riculum vitae information of 125 researchers in two provincially funded research networks in Quebec, Canada. Our findings confirm a positive correlation between collaborations and research productivity. We also demonstrate that collaborations within the formal networks in our study constitute a relatively small component of the underlying organic network of collaborations. These findings contribute to the literature on evaluating policies and programs that pertain to institutional research networks and should stimulate research on the capacity of such networks to foster research productivity.Résumé : Les universités et les agences de financement cherchent de plus en plus à renforcer de façon efficace une capacité de recherche scientifique dynamique et concurrentielle. Bon nombre de leurs politiques de financement sont fondées sur l'hypothèse qu'une amélioration de la collaboration et du réseautage entre les chercheurs et entre les établissements mène à une productivité scientifique accrue. De nombreuses études ont noté une corrélation positive entre les collaborations de recherche et le rendement en recherche, mais la contribution des réseaux institution-nels officiels à ce résultat reste nébuleuse. À l'aide de méthodes d'analyse des réseaux sociaux, nous mettons l'accent sur la distinction entre ce que nous définissons comme les réseaux institutionnels de recherche « officiels » et les réseaux « organiques » de chercheurs. Nous analysons aussi l'association entre les positions structurelles réelles

Economists tend to reduce all corruption to impersonal market-like transactions, ignoring the role of social ties in shaping corruption. In this paper, we show that this simplification substantially limits the understanding of corruption. We distinguish between market corruption (impersonal bribery), and network (or parochial) corruption which is conditional on the social connections between bureaucrats and private agents. We argue, both theoretically and empirically, that these types of corruption have different qualities. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey (LiTS) which covers all post-socialist countries we show, first, that the correlation between market and network corruption is weak, which implies that ignoring network corruption leads not only to an underestimation of the overall scale of corruption but also biases national corruption rankings. Secondly, in line with theoretical expectations, we find that network corruption is more persistent over time, less related to contemporary national socio-economic and institutional characteristics and has stronger historical roots than market corruption. Yet, network corruption, unlike bribery, is not able to "grease the wheels" and is not associated with political instability. Lastly, we show that the decline in bribery which was observed in almost all post-socialist countries in the period from 2010 to 2016 was accompanied by rising network corruption in many of them, which has important policy implications.

Generally, sociotechnical change requires that agency is exercised across multiple, connected levels or contexts. Yet there is very little work in the sociotechnical sustainability transitions literature that theorises these connections in ways that acknowledge the individual-level processes involved. Here we show how identity theory can connect macro- and micro-levels of analysis, with identity construction being a social psychological process that is also involved in institutional work. For empirical illustration we use the case of emerging mobility transitions in Berlin, Germany, in particular aspects of institutional work for infrastructural change in favor of cycling. The study shows how the construction of a common identity among varied actor groups has been key to a citizen campaign for safe cycling infrastructure. The construction of a socially inclusive identity relating to cycling has been made possible by prioritizing the development of a campaign network comprised of weak ties among stakeholders, rather than a closer-knit network based on a more exclusive group of sporty cyclists. The findings are discussed in the light of both social psychological models and sociotechnical transitions theory. The implications for scaling niche practices for sustainability are considered.

Over the course of the 20th Century three approaches to welfare reform—a political economy, a moral economy and a mixed economy approach—informed the way social welfare systems were conceptualized, theorized and studied. Based on differing understandings about the relationship between the state, society, and economy, these approaches have developed alternative, and in some senses competing frameworks for analyzing globalization and its relevance for, and impact on, contemporary social welfare systems in the 21st century. In the discussion that follows, I place each of these approaches in historical context, comparing and contrasting their theoretical contribution to our understanding of the relationship between globalization and welfare reform. I then introduce an emergent fourth approach which stems from a growing body of literature on institutional innovation within the European third sector. In addition to analyzing the distinctive conceptual and analytic contribution of this so-called social economy approach, I draw on insights from contemporary studies of European social enterprises to illustrate the value added of this approach for appreciating the constructive role that emerging welfare networks play in reconfiguring globalizations' impact on the character and quality of social welfare.

The Latin American communication media crisis, visible from a dramatic drop in advertising financing and a progressive move by audiences toward new media, is linked to the public institution crisis. This communication media crisis denotes the emergence of social practices focused on user activation, thereby causing a decline in vertical mediation and a detriment to new routines which, according to collective intelligence, tend to develop collaborative symbolic environments and a general greater empathy. These phenomena do not extend beyond Latin America in a horizontal or global way. México and Ecuador are two countries that are representative of Latin America's trends. México, on one hand, is a context with high media concentration and powerful communicational groups whose links result from the heavy bipartisanship that has ruled this country over the last three decades. Ecuador, on the other hand, is a context where former President Rafael Correa's administration (2007–2017) created a new legal framework that favors—at least from a normative point of view—better democratization of communication media through the implementation of institutions that are tasked with ensuring diversity in media and encouraging citizen involvement in co-government tasks. This research compares the results from surveys administered to more than two thousand college students from México and Ecuador, in which these two strategic groups were asked about their views on phenomena such as online and offline political participation and information consumption in order to find out if there any differences between México and Ecuador's concept of political participation among young college students. © Common Ground Research Networks, Daniel Javier de la Garza Montemayor, Daniel Barredo Ibáñez, Abraham A. Hernández Paz, Some Rights Reserved

Based on the analysis of a multi-level and inter-sectoral trajectory of pro-indigenous mobilization in Brazil, this dissertation examines how social movements contribute to gradual and long-term processes of institutional change. To do so, it draws on social movement theory, pragmatist institutional theory and cultural sociology to develop a dynamic model of mobilization and institutional change that foregrounds the organization of society within multiple and partially overlapping institutional sectors and emphasizes the dynamic and recursive interactions between movements and ever-shifting institutional contexts of action. This model is deployed in the analysis of a long-term trajectory of mobilization over indigenous land tenure and citizenship rights in Brazil from 1968 until 2016. The trajectory is composed of seven episodes, each of which is characterized by a constellation of repertoires, sites and targets of contention. I analyze the institutional, organizational and cultural outcomes of these episodes, examining how they add up to landmark moments in which institutional contexts of mobilization change significantly and mark a transition between periods of contention. By examining and comparing across these episodes, I identify two social mechanisms, understood as recurrent social processes linking initial conditions to outcomes, which were central for the movement's ability to influence processes of institutional change: (a) the formation of inter-sectoral networks of contention and (b) institutional framing. I use the term inter-sectoral network formation to refer to processes through which ties of cooperation and mobilization are constructed and activated by actors situated across institutional sectors in the midst of contention. By incorporating different institutional repertoires into the movement and opening up multiple channels of claim-making, this mechanism increases the responsive capacity and the resilience of movements vis-à-vis shifting contexts of action. I use the term institutional framing to refer to the collective and public processes through which activists attribute and dispute the meaning of society-wide institutional elements that are relevant for their goals. By framing institutions, many of which ensue from previous episodes of contention, movements contribute to institutional innovation and produce a sense of continuity between different episodes, periods and sectors of mobilization.