Suchergebnisse

The giraffes of Niger are the last West African giraffes. This last remaining population, reduced to less than 100 individuals, is found in the Koure area and the northern part of the Dallol Bosso, one hundred kilometres East of Niamey. These giraffes live peacefully with humans and cattle, in a non-protected area, without predators. They are threatened by the clearing of their habitat and by poaching. Over the course of the year 1996, more than 30 % of the individuals disappeared, largely due to the numerous captures ordered by the government of Niger. At the end of 1996, a land use management project based on the giraffes'conservation was implemented in their living area. This project made possible the protection and reconstitution of the giraffe population. The balanced sex-ratio and significant birth-rate gives the present population a very good grounding for expansion provided that adequate protection and valorization policies are maintained. Heightened public awareness of the population in general and the political leaders of Niger in particular, is also an important factor. The expansion of this population will be possible only within the framework of an economic development program based on the conservation and valorization of natural resources, on the one hand, and on the management of these resources by local rural communities on the other hand. This article introduces the history of the giraffes'presence in West Africa and the recent demographic evolution of the population of giraffes in Niger ; Les girafes du Niger sont les dernières girafes d'Afrique de l'Ouest. Elles constituent une petite population de moins d'une centaine d'individus, située dans la région de Kouré et du Dallol Bosso Nord, à cent kilomètres à l'est de Niamey. Ces girafes vivent en milieu naturel non protégé, côtoyant pacifiquement les paysans et les animaux domestiques, en l'absence de tout prédateur. Elles sont menacées par la dégradation de leur habitat et par le braconnage. Au cours de l'année 1996, plus de 30 % des individus ont disparu, notamment en raison de captures massives par l'armée sur ordre du gouvernement, L'implantation, dans leur zone d'habitat, en 1996, d'un projet de développement axé sur leur conservation, a permis la protection et la reconstitution de la population. Celle-ci présente un sex-ratio équilibré et une natalité importante qui laisse espérer son développement si de bonnes conditions de protection et de valorisation sont réunies, ainsi qu'une sensibilisation de la population nigérienne et des responsables politiques. tJne telle situation ne sera possible que dans la perspective d'un développement économique qui s'appuiera sur la conservation et la valorisation des ressources naturelles d'une part, sur la gestion de ces ressources par les communautés rurales concernées d'autre part. Cet article présente l'historique de la présence des girafes en Afrique de l'Ouest et l'évolution démographique récente de la population de girafes du Niger.

Niger, one of the poorest countries in the world, faces serious risks and challenges on several simultaneous fronts: food insecurity, social distress, demographic explosion, terrorist threats. This work will examine how Niger´s budgetary policy has tried to respond to these different challenges, under a public financial environment a bit more favourable since some years ago, in spite of some contraction more recently. Furthermore, in addition to the availability of financial resources, important issues arise regarding their utilisation and management by public policies. ; Le Niger, pays parmi les plus pauvres du monde, est confronté à des risques et défis nombreux et divers : insécurité alimentaire, extrême vulnérabilité sociale, escalade démographique, menaces terroristes…La présente analyse dégage les modalités selon lesquelles la politique budgétaire du Niger a cherché à relever ces différents défis, dans un cadre financier public un peu amélioré depuis quelques années en dépit d'une détérioration récente. Au-delà de la mobilisation des ressources financières, les enjeux essentiels proviennent de leur utilisation et gestion par les politiques publiques.

Benin and Niger wrote down the free administration of local governments in their respective constitutions. This intention of the original constituent won't be translated into infra constitutional norms in a shy way. The autonomy of local bodies is implicitly affirmed in the texts but, it's subtly emptied of its content by large powers of guardianship granted to the representatives of the central government on the elected local authorities. The means of action of the local governments are handled by the central State. National public resources distribution between the central State and the local governments has not been determined by previous costs assessment of the transferred competences. Concomitance and sufficiency principles are not respected. The support of the central State to local governments concerning staffing is not meaningful. Lack of suitable statute for local authorities on the one hand and for territorial civil service on the other, constitute an impediment to mobilization of qualified human resources at local level. Without fiscal autonomy, the local government is self-financed only in a marginal way and depends on subsidies, often conditioned by the central State and other partners. In spite of this little flattering situation, the resolutions taken by administrative and constitutional jurisdictions, following rare appeals don't reflect how critical local liberties are for democracy and development. As suggested by recent evolutions of local constitutionalism, beyond the proclamation of the principle, the essential criteria of local free administration known as organic autonomy, human resources free management and financial autonomy should be raised to constitutional level. ; Le Bénin et le Niger ont inscrit la libre administration des collectivités territoriales dans leurs constitutions respectives. Ce dessein du constituant originaire ne sera traduit dans les normes infra constitutionnelles que de façon timide. L'autonomie organique est implicitement affirmée dans les textes mais elle est ...

Despite the new context of the land-law with the land committee, the property owner depends on the traditional law. This paper shows the land system in the south east of the Niger. Nine basin oasis have selected in function of the food system and the proof of the phreatic table. An investigation with 105 producters has showed the description and the analysis of the land access and the conflicts. The analysis shows the strong influence of traditional authorities and the lack of operationalization of COFOB. Finally, the conflicts are generalized between many actors (farmers, pastoralists and agro-pastoralists) and settlement is done mainly by conciliation. Furthermore, the disparity between the men and the women land access is very important. ; Malgré le nouveau contexte national de législation foncière caractérisé par l'installation progressive des commissions foncières de base (COFOB), la pratique foncière dans les cuvettes oasiennes du Niger oriental est de type coutumier. Cet article décrit et analyse les pratiques foncières dans ce milieu assez particulier. Le choix de 9 cuvettes, en fonction de deux facteurs discriminants notamment la profondeur de la nappe et le type d'exploitation a permis de mettre en exergue les critères de zonage, de typologie et du niveau d'exploitation des cuvettes. Une enquête auprès de 105 exploitants aux moyens d'un questionnaire a permis de collecter des données nécessaires de cette étude. L'analyse des résultats montre la forte influence des autorités coutumières et le manque d'opérationnalisation des COFOB. Les conflits se généralisent avec les acteurs tout azimut (agriculteurs, éleveurs et agro-éleveurs) et leur règlement se fait en grande partie par conciliation. En outre, l'inégalité d'accès à la terre entre les hommes et les femmes est aussi coutumière. ; Peer reviewed

The study examined the environmental degradation resulting from the nature of oil exploration in the Niger Delta since the discovery of oil in commercial quantity in 1956. It assessed the objectives of the Movement for Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) against the contemporary realities in the region. We anchored our analysis on the Marxian theory of social production and reproduction while secondary data were collected from documentary sources and analyzed via qualitative descriptive method. The study found that following the failure of peaceful agitation adopted by the oil bearing communities to actualize their demand for adequate compensation for environmental degradation caused by oil exploration and for fair share of oil revenue, people resorted to militancy. Consequently, various intervention programmes were put in place by the government to meet the demands of the people. However, empirical evidence shows that these government intervention programmes failed to meet the demands of the oil bearing communities and militant groups. Similarly, despite the high level militancy, MEND as a militant group has not achieved its stated objectives. It is expected that agitations and demonstrations would continue in the Niger Delta and will continue to disrupt oil exploration in the region. Based on our findings, we recommend inter alia that the government and International Oil Companies (IOCs) should collaborate with the local communities to evolve long term development programme that does not only focus on giving out funds to Commissions set up by government but would specifies how to gainfully engage and support the local people to continue in their agricultural activities without being disrupted by environmental degradation resulting from oil exploration by IOCs.

Türkiye 1946 yılından buyana yani yaklaşık 56 yıldır IMF ile iç içe yaşamaktadır. Ekonomik sorunlarım kendi çabalarıyla çözmeye çalışmak yerine direkt dış kaynağa başvurması, bu sonucu doğurmuştur. Fakat 2003 yılına gelinmiş olmasına rağmen halen kronik darboğazların iyileştirilmesinde bir mesafe alınamamıştır. İyileşmenin olmamasının iki ayağı vardır. Birincisi IMF'nin standart, başvuran ülkelerin sosyal yapışım dikkate almayan, genellikle yaşanan kronik ödemeler dengesi sorununu aşmak için daima geniş halk kitlelerini kemer sıkmaya zorlayan acı reçeteleri, katı kurallarının olmasıdır. IMF'yi başvuran ülkelerin büyüme, gelir bölüşümü, istihdam, sosyal refah hedefleri ilgilendirmemektedir. Ayrıca bu programlar genellikle yapılabileceklerden çok fazla şey istemektedir. İlginç olan şu ki geçen yarım yüzyıla rağmen hala bir çok ülke IMF'nin acı reçetelerine başvurmasına rağmen ödemeler dengesini kurabilmek için çaba harcamaktadır. İkincisi ise ülkenin özellikle siyasi yapısının kötü olması, hiçbir hükümetin, ekonominin iyileştirilmesini öncelikli hedefleri arasına koymayıp özellikle seçim arefelerinde yanlış politikalar uygulamalarıdır. Siyasi kadrolar, ekonomik istikrar ve büyümeyi sağlamada sürekli başarısız olmuş, halkın geleceğe yönelik tüm umutlarını ve güvensizlik duygusunu arttırmıştır. Demokrasinin yeniden yapılanma için sunduğu seçim fırsatı, ülkemizde daima gerilimli olmuş ve belirsizlikler yaratmıştır. Türkiye'nin krizden çıkabilmesi için öncelikli olarak dışa bağımlılığını azaltması gerekmektedir. Ulusal programlara dönmeli, özellikle siyasi yapısında olmak üzere bir çok alanda reformlar yapmalıdır. Türkiye'nin asıl sorunu dışarıdan para gelip gelmemesi değildir. Asıl sorunu ekonominin dışarıdan gelecek paraya çok fazla bağımlı bir hale gelmesidir. ; Turkey is living together with IMF for about 56 years since 1946. This is the result of depending on the foreign sources directly rather than trying to solve the economical problems on its own. But despite the year 2003, no progress has been achieved in solving chronic bottlenecks of the economy. There are two reasons for the mistreatment. The first is the standard IMF approach which do not care about the social structure of the demanding countries and have tough rules and harsh treatments to solve the chronic payment balance problems which is generally to force large crowds to tighten the belts. IMF does not care about the development, share of income, employment and social prosperity goals of the countries. Besides, with these programs the demands are so big that they are actually impossible to fulfill. The interesting point is that a lot of countries, which had IMF's harsh treatments during the past half-century, are still trying to stabilize their payment balances. The second reason is the bad political structure of the country, no government is putting the economical development in the primary goals and all of them apply wrong politics during the election periods. Politicians have always been unsuccessful in realizing economical stability and growth and always augmented desperation and diminished confidence of the people towards the future. The election chance which is given by the democracy has always been stressful and caused awkwardness in our country. To get out of the crisis, Turkey, first of all has to reduce the foreign dependency. It has to turn back to the national programs and has to reform various fields and especially its political structure. The real problem of Turkey is not whether foreign currency is entering or not. The real problem is that the economy is too much dependent on the entrance of the foreign currency.

Nigeria's political and economic fortunes and the country's ability to play a stabilizing role in the African region partly depend on the resolution of the lingering Niger Delta conflict. The Niger Delta covers nine out of 36 states and 185 out of 774 local government areas of the Nigerian federation. It occupies a total land area of 75,000 square kilometers and is the world's third largest wetlands. The 2006 Nigerian population census shows that 30 million out of the country's 140 million people reside in the Niger Delta region. Nearly all of Nigeria's oil and gas reserves are located in the region. Oil and gas have accounted for about 40 per cent of Nigeria's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) since 1990. Between 2000 and 2004, oil and gas accounted for 75 per cent of total government revenues and 97 per cent of foreign exchange. Apart from being vital to Nigeria's fiscal viability, the Niger Delta is important to global energy security.

The impact of income variation on calorie intake seems to be surrounded by a great controversy in the literature. By means of simultaneous quantiles regression on the third national budget and consumption survey carried out in 2007 in Niger, this study analyzes mainly the role of income on food safety and nutritional through its impact on the distribution of calorie intake in Niger. It appears in accordance with the recent literature that the impact of income variation on calorie intake depends on the initial level of the calorie consumption of the household and decreases with the food security level. In others words, the calorie-income elasticity is high for households with a low calorie consumption but low for ones having a high calorie intake initially. Moreover, the distance of the market or a health center and the rural medium of residence contribute to food safety and nutritional deterioration of households. Therefore, the implementation of policies aimed at increasing household income and the creation of infrastructure such as markets, health centers by facilitating their access to the rural population in particular is needed. ; L'impact de la variation du revenu sur l'apport calorique semble être entouré d'une grande controverse dans la littérature. Au moyen d'une régression des quantiles simultanée sur les données de la troisième enquête nationale budget consommation réalisée en 2007 au Niger, cette étude analyse principalement le rôle du revenu sur la sécurité alimentaire et nutritionnelle à travers son impact sur la distribution de l'apport calorique. Il apparait conformément à la littérature récente que l'impact de la variation du revenu sur l'apport calorique dépend du niveau initial de la consommation calorifique du ménage et décroit avec le niveau de sécurité alimentaire. En d'autres, on a une élasticité calorie-revenu élevée pour les ménages ayant une consommation calorifique faible et une élasticité faible chez les ménages ayant un apport calorique élevé. En outre, l'éloignement d'un marché ou d'un centre de santé et le milieu de résidence rural contribuent à la détérioration de la sécurité alimentaire et nutritionnelle des ménages. De ce fait, la mise en place des politiques visant à accroitre le revenu des ménages et la création d'infrastructures tels que les marchés, les centres de santé en favorisant leur accès à la population plus particulièrement rurale est nécessaire.

This study analyses the relationship between perceived marginalisation and the willingness of civilians to participate in, and justify political violence in Nigeria's Niger Delta region. The dominant literature in this area tends to highlight political, economic and identity marginalisation as the causal factors behind political violence. However, there remains a lack of clarity in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of the purported political and socioeconomic marginalisations. This because large portion of the literature fails to take into account the psychological aspect of marginalisation. Using a statistical analysis of Afrobarometer1 survey data collected in 2003, the study applies two regression models to measure the predictive effects of 16 variables on attitudes towards both political violence justification and the willingness to participate in political violence in the Niger Delta. The benefit of survey methodology is it is a more accurate measurement of the term marginalisation, as marginalisation is perceived by people and is thus a psychological phenomenon. By disaggregating these broad marginalisation terms into discrete items, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the motivating factors behind political violence. Interestingly, no measures of economic marginalisation were statistically significant in either model. Two elements of political marginalisation exhibited a statistically significant effect on the justification of political violence. Multiple aspects of political marginalisation and identity group prioritisation exhibited statistically significant effect on the willingness to participate in political violence, however not all items exhibited effects predicted by the majority of the literature. This analysis does confirm that the relationship between citizen and state is a salient predictor of attitudes towards political violence. However, the results also demonstrate that the blanket marginalisation terms used in political science literature are overly simplistic and lack nuance. Nevertheless, both scholars and policy makers should prioritise the government's relationship with society when crafting policy designed to minimise political violence.

Macroeconomic management in Chad, Mali and Niger needs to account for a number of specific parameters. Very rapid population growth exerts immense pressure on the demand for education and health services. Economic activity and prices are strongly influenced by climatic variations, and exports and government revenues depend on a few commodities whose price widely fluctuate. Security threats complicate budget planning and divert public resource from developmental uses. Belonging to monetary unions strengthens macroeconomic stability, but limits as well the range of policy instruments at the disposal of countries' authorities to address the many developmental challenges they face.

Les fortunes économique et politique du Nigéria, et la capacité du pays à jouer un rôle stabilisant dans la région africaine, dépendent de la résolution du conflit qui persiste dans la zone du delta du Niger. Le delta couvre neuf états, sur un total de 36, et 185 des 774 gouvernements locaux de la fédération nigériane. Il occupe une étendue totale de 75,000 mètres carrés et constitue la troisième plus grande zone humide de la terre. Le recensement Nigérien de 2006 montreque 30 million d'habitants, sur une population total de 185 million, résident dans la région du delta du Niger. La quasi-totalité des réseaux de gaz et de pétrole du Nigéria sont situés dans la région. Depuis 1990, le pétrole et le gaz représentent environ 40% du produit intérieur brut (PIB). Entre 2000 et 2004, ces deux industries ont engendré 75% des revenus totales du gouvernement, et ont généré 97% des échanges commerciaux. En plus d´être essentiel à la viabilité financière du Nigéria, le delta du Niger est important pour la sécurité énergétique mondiale.

International audience ; In the early 1990s, Niger saw growing anger towards the military regime in power, not only because of police violence, but also due to its economic and social policies, particularly its first structural adjustment programme. After several months of revolts, the regime fell, giving way to a democratic government in 1991. Under pressure from international financial institutions, the new government quickly embarked on the same economic and social path as the previous one and adopted an adjustment policy, resistance to which had played a fundamental role in its accession to power. The government faced increasing street protests, and was overthrown by the army in January 1996, with most of the population not mobilizing to protect the democratic institutions. This article examines the conflicts of rationales that marked these few years, and shows how, by whom, and to what extent these rationales were opposed in practical terms. It also offers a social history of the adjustments by looking at how they were received by the people. By so doing, it looks back at a moment that has profoundly marked Niger's recent history: in this country, as in others, the adjustments have reconfigured rivalries, produced violence, and left an indelible mark on the political imaginary up to the present day.

International audience ; In the early 1990s, Niger saw growing anger towards the military regime in power, not only because of police violence, but also due to its economic and social policies, particularly its first structural adjustment programme. After several months of revolts, the regime fell, giving way to a democratic government in 1991. Under pressure from international financial institutions, the new government quickly embarked on the same economic and social path as the previous one and adopted an adjustment policy, resistance to which had played a fundamental role in its accession to power. The government faced increasing street protests, and was overthrown by the army in January 1996, with most of the population not mobilizing to protect the democratic institutions. This article examines the conflicts of rationales that marked these few years, and shows how, by whom, and to what extent these rationales were opposed in practical terms. It also offers a social history of the adjustments by looking at how they were received by the people. By so doing, it looks back at a moment that has profoundly marked Niger's recent history: in this country, as in others, the adjustments have reconfigured rivalries, produced violence, and left an indelible mark on the political imaginary up to the present day.

International audience ; Alors que la sécurité alimentaire constitue une préoccupation majeure pour de nombreux pays du Sud, les potentialités de production de son delta intérieur font du Mali une puissance agricole potentielle à l'échelle régionale. Dans ce contexte le système irrigué de l'Office du Niger se trouve au cœur des enjeux économiques et politiques définis dans le cadre de l'UEMOA (Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine) et de la CEN SAD (Communauté des Etats Sahélo-Sahariens). Des projets d'aménagement sans précédent, à la mesure des ambitions du Mali et de ses partenaires, sont programmés à court terme : la création d'un pôle de production macro-régional a pour objectif de sécuriser l'approvisionnement alimentaire des populations de la sous région. Alors que la " révolution verte " basée sur les exploitations familiales se révèle des plus fragiles, il semble qu'un nouveau modèle de politique de développement agricole se profile en faveur de l'agro-business. Cette région est à l'aube de mutations socio-économiques et environnementales rapides et profondes. Le processus de redistribution sinon de confiscation des terres qui est d'ores et déjà en cours remet fondamentalement en question les perspectives de développement envisageables pour les populations à l'échelle locale et régionale.

International audience ; Alors que la sécurité alimentaire constitue une préoccupation majeure pour de nombreux pays du Sud, les potentialités de production de son delta intérieur font du Mali une puissance agricole potentielle à l'échelle régionale. Dans ce contexte le système irrigué de l'Office du Niger se trouve au cœur des enjeux économiques et politiques définis dans le cadre de l'UEMOA (Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine) et de la CEN SAD (Communauté des Etats Sahélo-Sahariens). Des projets d'aménagement sans précédent, à la mesure des ambitions du Mali et de ses partenaires, sont programmés à court terme : la création d'un pôle de production macro-régional a pour objectif de sécuriser l'approvisionnement alimentaire des populations de la sous région. Alors que la " révolution verte " basée sur les exploitations familiales se révèle des plus fragiles, il semble qu'un nouveau modèle de politique de développement agricole se profile en faveur de l'agro-business. Cette région est à l'aube de mutations socio-économiques et environnementales rapides et profondes. Le processus de redistribution sinon de confiscation des terres qui est d'ores et déjà en cours remet fondamentalement en question les perspectives de développement envisageables pour les populations à l'échelle locale et régionale.