Suchergebnisse

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

De nordiske og de baltiske stater i Europa i dagAf Hans HenningsenDenne artikel fremstiller Grundtvigs tanker om folk og folkelighed i forbindelse med den supranationale unionstankes sammenbrud i øst og etableringen af en supranational union i vest. De nye baltiske statsdannelser benyttes som eksempler på nationalstater, hvor befolkningen synes at kunne leve i fred med store, ikke-baltiske minoriteter uden etniske konflikter. Grundtvigs tanker om folkelighed anskues i forlængelse heraf som grundlag for en forståelse af nationalstaten som et alternativ til den tanke om en union i form af et supranationalt demokrati, der præger de europæiske unionsplaner. Begrebet nationalstat opfattes her ikke nationalistisk, men tolkes i overensstemmelse med Grundtvigs tanker om det folkelige som lig med den demokratisk-folkelige kultur. Disse planer sigter mod at lade en mængde folkeslag indgå. i en fælles europæisk stat, idet begrebet om en demokratisk stat løsnes fra forbundetheden med begrebet om nationalstaten. Artiklen fremlægger en alternativ model hertil, idet det påpeges, at der i Danmark i forlængelse af Grundtvigs tanker ikke skelnes mellem kultur og politik. Forudsætningen for et virkeligt demokrati er denne forbindelse mellem folkelivet og det politiske liv, og eftersom der ikke eksisterer en fælles, europæisk kultur, vil et supranationalt demokrati aldrig blive et sandt demokrati.Tilliden til det supranationale demokrati bunder dybest set i rationalismens abstrakte menneskesyn, det menneskesyn, Grundtvig bekæmpede. Grundtvigs definition af 'folk', 'folkelighed' samt 'levende vekselvirkning' er ikke blot grundlag for denne forbindelse mellem kultur og demokrati, men sikrer også I overensstemmelse med Grundtvigs universalhistoriske perspektiv, at der tages hensyn til de forskellige folkeslags individuelle særpræg. Netop forskellene er basis for en fri samvirken og vekselvirkning mellem folkeslagene, således som det har været målet for dansk indenrigs- og udenrigspolitik de sidste 100 år. Europa har i dag mulighed for at etablere et sådant frit fællesskab, men i stedet vælger unionstilhængene at se bort fra de nationale forskelle og opbygge et supranational demokrati med udgangspunkt i rationalismens abstrakte menneskesyn.

The researchers often overlook the relationships between Russian and Nordic investment capital; and even less attention is paid to studying the competition between the two. Yet this subject can be of particular relevance to the areas that are geographically, historically and culturally close to both Russia and the Nordic countries. Thus, the aim of this article is to understand how the competition between Russian and Nordic capital investment is played out in the Baltic States. The study discusses the principles of Russian and Nordic investment in the Baltic, and suggests ways to regulate these relations. To this end, we compare the investment conditions created in the Baltic States for both Russian and Nordic investors. The analysis shows that most of the Baltic market is controlled by the Nordic capital, which blocks the arrival of Russian investment to the Baltic States. With a nod to a number of previous studies, the authors of this article suggest some adjustments to the theory of foreign direct investment. The study will be also of practical interest to those Russian investors who are seeking entry points to the Baltic markets.

PurposeThis research seeks to ask to what extent model transfer in employee relations (in terms of employee representation, participation and workplace bargaining) occurs between Nordic and Baltic countries from the principal firm to the subsidiary. It also looks into explanations as to why model transfer occurs – or does not occur – from the perspective of the Nordic industrialist's labour management strategy.Design/methodology/approachThis is a case study comprising three clothing manufacturers and three engineering shops in different Baltic States: Estonia (population 1.4 million), Latvia (2.3 million) and Lithuania (3.4 million). These production sites have headquarters in three Nordic countries: Denmark, Norway and Sweden. Semi‐structured (thematic) interviews are carried out among managers, shop stewards and employees of the subsidiaries.FindingsThere is little model transfer between the Nordic principal firm and the Baltic subsidiary, whereas the Nordic employer prefers local forms of employee relations. Modest model transfer derives from the desire for controlling the labour process, where the Nordic investor seeks to utilise differences between the regimes.Social implicationsThe Nordic industrialists' search for the distinction between different regimes and the Baltic drive at liberal market economy (LME) together may prove fatal for labour conditions. Such production policy will not improve the position of the Baltic worker.Originality/valueThe findings question the very idea of model transfer: where any labour management strategy existed, there was either an unambiguous assertion of indigenous solutions or adoption of "best practices" not peculiar to the Nordic labour relations regime.

Seit dem Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts stehen die baltischen Staaten vor einem Sicherheitsdilemma. Seit der Erlangung ihrer Unabhängigkeit 1991 versuchen sie sich von Osteuropa zu lösen und enger mit dem Westen zusammenzuarbeiten. Dem stehen die Interessen Rußlands und die auf Rußland konzentrierten Interessen des Westens entgegen. Der Autor vertritt im vorliegenden Bericht die These, daß nationale Sicherheit in zunehmendem Maße von internationalen und transnationalen Umständen abhängt. Er untersucht deshalb im folgenden die Sonderrolle der Nordischen Staaten bei der Lösung des baltischen Sicherheitsproblems innerhalb Europas. Die Arbeit wurde vor dem Ende des russischen Truppenrückzugs aus dem Baltikum und vor den Referenden über den EU-Beitritt in Schweden, Finnland und Norwegen abgeschlossen. Beschrieben wird die Unterstützung des Baltikums durch die nordischen Staaten, die sich aus einem gemeinsamen 5-Punkte-Investitionsprogramm, bilateralen Initiativen, sowie einem Freihandelsabkommen für beide Regionen zusammensetzt. Auf politischem Gebiet fällt den Staaten Nordeuropas die Rolle des Vermittlers zwischen Rußland und dem Baltikum zu. Der Autor propagiert die Idee einer baltisch-nordischen Kooperation als Basis für die Sicherheit der baltischen Republiken vor den Ansprüchen Rußlands. Ziel dieser Kooperation ist die natürliche Integration der Staaten des Baltikums in die europäische Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik bei gleichzeitiger Anerkennung und Integration Rußlands als europäischer Staat. (psz)

Since 1991, Nordic assistance to the Baltic states, especially in the security field, has been considerable. The approaches of the four main Nordic states to this task are outlined and the reasons for such a high Nordic involvement examined. Structure-related conditioners have tended to provide opportunity for action, while the actor-related elements have mostly determined whether and which openings were taken up. These conditioners also explain the differences in the Nordic programmes, with interpretations of the countries' salient security environment being an important variable.