Suchergebnisse

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

We present an overview of the development of clinical neuropsychology, the current status of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Western countries, and the possibilities of developing this specialty in Lithuania. The main duties of a clinical neuropsychologist are to perform neuropsychological assessments and clinical interventions. Clinical neuropsychologists working within health care are professionals who offer services to patients across the lifespan with cognitive and behavioral/emotional symptoms related to neurological, developmental, and psychiatric disorders. Specialists of clinical neuropsychology are needed in neurology and psychiatry clinics, in centers of mental health and rehabilitation, and institutions of psychological assessment and education of children. The specialization models of clinical neuropsychology in Europe and North America are similar in their content and requirements for courses and practice. Nevertheless, specialist education in most of European countries is related to clinical training and not an academic degree, as it is in the USA and Canada. The duration of specialist education in clinical neuropsychology in Europe varies, but this education can only be started after acquiring a Master's degree in most of the European countries. The regulation of the specialty of clinical neuropsychology in Europe also varies. In some countries, this specialty is fully legally regulated, and in some countries not regulated at all. For specialization in clinical neuropsychology, the license of a psychologist, enabling an individual to work in the health care system of the country, is required in most Western countries. Taking into consideration the Scandinavian experience, it can be expected that the planning of specialization studies in Lithuania would be easier if the licensing of psychologists would be regulated. Today, traditional specializations of psychology in Lithuania may be obtained through Master's degree studies, i.e., a specialized Master's diploma compensates a license and any need of further specialization. This Lithuanian tradition is not in accord with the EuroPsy politics of obtaining a diploma: a Master's diploma is acquired within 6 years of studies, and, after these studies, specialization is continued for a few more years (participation in specialized courses, performance of supervised practice). The model of specialization in clinical neuropsychology in Lithuania should be developed in accordance with international standards of neuropsychology, which are in constant development. In Western countries, the knowledge and skills of clinical and health psychology are considered to be an important part of the specialist education in clinical neuropsychology. Therefore, two years of Master's studies in clinical neuropsychology would not be sufficient when preparing competent clinical neuropsychologists, unless it is combined with a supervised neuropsychological practice of a defined duration. A doctoral degree is required for neuropsychological practice in the USA, but it is usually not required in Europe. In Lithuania, such a tradition for other specializations of psychology does not exist either, which suggests that a doctoral degree should not be necessary for the specialty of clinical neuropsychology as well. Nevertheless, like in Western countries, supervised clinical neuropsychological practice should be a necessary part of the specialists' education in clinical neuropsychology.

Muslims have known & used the term 'da'wa' throughout the history of Islam. The concept, or rather concepts, of da'wa has been elaborated upon since the early centuries of Islam. Muslims have applied the term to various specific activities of theirs. The broadly known explanation in Europe & North America for da'wa is that it constitutes activities, which in the Christian context fall under the term 'missions' or 'missionary activities.' Recently, however, there has been much discussion whether da'wa at all can be rendered as 'missionary activity,' for it is argued by some Muslims as well as non-Muslim scholars that da'wa distinctly differs from what in the Christian tradition 'missions' have encompassed. From the available historical evidence, it appears that after Muhammad's death Muslims did not immediately embark upon da'wa activities -- during & after the rapid conquests of the Byzantinian & Persian lands, they little if at all ventured to preach to local non-Muslims about the virtues of Islam. Da'wa in the sense of inviting non-Muslims to embrace Islam was not yet on conquering Muslims' agenda. The first waves of conversions to Islam from among the indigenous populations of the conquered lands took place with virtually no Muslim missionary activities in the background. But the concept of da'wa was not lost even on the early Muslims. They were very much aware of it & indeed capitalized on its exploitation. Yet, this first was done on the intra-community level, among the Muslims themselves. The term da'wa came into wider usage almost a hundred years after Muhammad's death, in the wake of the 'Abbasid propaganda against the then ruling Ummayad clan in the 720's. However, the 'Abbasid da'wa ceased as soon as the 'Abbasids were in power -- the fact that attests to its political nature. Da'wa as a truly missionary activity, albeit still within the Muslim Umma, appeared in the form of the Isma'ili da'wa of the 9th through 13th centuries. Isma'ilis, in many ways, can be seen as the pioneers of the organized Muslim missionary activities: their highly institutionalized & sophisticated da'wa structure has hardly been repeated until today. Moreover, for the Isma'ilis, da'wa was a state priority. The Isma'ili da'wa encompassed extra- & intra-ummaic forms & blended both theology & politics. The focal point of this article is the inter-relatedness of da'wa & politics on both theoretical & practical levels. On the one hand, the Quran nowhere directly implies da'wa to be a political activity. On the other hand, Muslims made it a part of their political theory (through relating da'wa to jihad) & life (using the concept of da'wa in their political agendas). Taken in general, the intertwining of da'wa & politics, then, has been a feature throughout the Muslim history, though practical implications of this have been different in different ages. [Abstract shortened by ProQuest.]. Adapted from the source document.

The role of diaspora in forming the image of Lithuania is well-acknowledged. However, it stays unclear how much and in what ways diaspora is important in forming the image of Lithuania. The paper starts with the question which reads as follows: what role diaspora played in "The New York Times" (hereafter NYT) in 1990? In what percentage of political publications the diaspora was mentioned? In what ways its role was manifested? In what aspects the image of Lithuania, formed by diaspora, was different or similar to the images of Lithuania, created by other actors in the NYT? The theory concerning soft power, public diplomacy and diaspora is especially useful for reseraching this topic. One should keep in mind the importance of historical context. Although Mikhail Gorbachev's Perestroika came to Lithuania relatively late, it quickly gained momentum, especially after the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, Sąjūdis, in 1988. The period is also known for arms control negotiations between the US and the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, the new leader of the Soviet Union, using the tools of public diplomacy soon became popular in the West. The US was confronted with the dilema of supporting Lithuanian independence or supporting Gorbachev. The sample of this research is all publications in NYT in 1990, in which Lithuania was mentioned at least once. The method used is content analysis. A total of 611 publications mentioning Lithuania at least once appeared in the NYT in 1990; the majority (523) of which can be classified as political. The Lithuanian diaspora is mentioned in 9-11% of the publications (523). In 1990, the interest in the events in Lithuania grew in the spring and fell in July of 1990. The reason for it was the Supreme Council's of the Republic of Lithuania announcement of 29 June, 1990, of the moratorium of the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Lithuania. Elaine L.E. Ho and Fiona McConnell divide diaspora diplomacy into two modalities: (1) diplomacy through diaspora, and (2) diplomacy by diaspora, when the diaspora becomes an independent political actor. After the research, the author comes to the conclusion that the diaspora diplomacy could be seen as a scale. Rita Dapkus and other Lithuanians of the North America, who chose to carry out publicity activities in Lithuania, are the actors closest to diplomacy through diaspora. The Lithuanian Information Center (LIC), founded in New York in 1979, would be in the middle of diplomacy through diaspora and diplomacy by diaspora. In 1990, LIC played the role of a mediator between Lithuania (which declared independence) and the US. Diplomacy by diaspora was performed by diaspora members, who commented situation in Lithuania in vivid opinion pieces. The image of Lithuania formed by diaspora was constructed by interpreting the present through the past. In this image, Lithuania, which declared independence in 1990, is a continuation of the country, which disappeared from the political maps in 1940. The most similar image of Lithuania was created by conservative authors, who also emphasized that the US did not recognize Lithuanian occupation throughout the entire period of the Cold War. In other NYT publications, both Gorbachev's and Bush's policies regarding Lithuanian crisis were supported; Lithuania's gradual secession from the Soviet Union was supported as well. Therefore, Lithuania emerges as opposition not only to Gorbachev, but also to Bush.

The role of diaspora in forming the image of Lithuania is well-acknowledged. However, it stays unclear how much and in what ways diaspora is important in forming the image of Lithuania. The paper starts with the question which reads as follows: what role diaspora played in "The New York Times" (hereafter NYT) in 1990? In what percentage of political publications the diaspora was mentioned? In what ways its role was manifested? In what aspects the image of Lithuania, formed by diaspora, was different or similar to the images of Lithuania, created by other actors in the NYT? The theory concerning soft power, public diplomacy and diaspora is especially useful for reseraching this topic. One should keep in mind the importance of historical context. Although Mikhail Gorbachev's Perestroika came to Lithuania relatively late, it quickly gained momentum, especially after the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, Sąjūdis, in 1988. The period is also known for arms control negotiations between the US and the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, the new leader of the Soviet Union, using the tools of public diplomacy soon became popular in the West. The US was confronted with the dilema of supporting Lithuanian independence or supporting Gorbachev. The sample of this research is all publications in NYT in 1990, in which Lithuania was mentioned at least once. The method used is content analysis. A total of 611 publications mentioning Lithuania at least once appeared in the NYT in 1990; the majority (523) of which can be classified as political. The Lithuanian diaspora is mentioned in 9-11% of the publications (523). In 1990, the interest in the events in Lithuania grew in the spring and fell in July of 1990. The reason for it was the Supreme Council's of the Republic of Lithuania announcement of 29 June, 1990, of the moratorium of the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Lithuania. Elaine L.E. Ho and Fiona McConnell divide diaspora diplomacy into two modalities: (1) diplomacy through diaspora, and (2) diplomacy by diaspora, when the diaspora becomes an independent political actor. After the research, the author comes to the conclusion that the diaspora diplomacy could be seen as a scale. Rita Dapkus and other Lithuanians of the North America, who chose to carry out publicity activities in Lithuania, are the actors closest to diplomacy through diaspora. The Lithuanian Information Center (LIC), founded in New York in 1979, would be in the middle of diplomacy through diaspora and diplomacy by diaspora. In 1990, LIC played the role of a mediator between Lithuania (which declared independence) and the US. Diplomacy by diaspora was performed by diaspora members, who commented situation in Lithuania in vivid opinion pieces. The image of Lithuania formed by diaspora was constructed by interpreting the present through the past. In this image, Lithuania, which declared independence in 1990, is a continuation of the country, which disappeared from the political maps in 1940. The most similar image of Lithuania was created by conservative authors, who also emphasized that the US did not recognize Lithuanian occupation throughout the entire period of the Cold War. In other NYT publications, both Gorbachev's and Bush's policies regarding Lithuanian crisis were supported; Lithuania's gradual secession from the Soviet Union was supported as well. Therefore, Lithuania emerges as opposition not only to Gorbachev, but also to Bush.

The role of diaspora in forming the image of Lithuania is well-acknowledged. However, it stays unclear how much and in what ways diaspora is important in forming the image of Lithuania. The paper starts with the question which reads as follows: what role diaspora played in "The New York Times" (hereafter NYT) in 1990? In what percentage of political publications the diaspora was mentioned? In what ways its role was manifested? In what aspects the image of Lithuania, formed by diaspora, was different or similar to the images of Lithuania, created by other actors in the NYT? The theory concerning soft power, public diplomacy and diaspora is especially useful for reseraching this topic. One should keep in mind the importance of historical context. Although Mikhail Gorbachev's Perestroika came to Lithuania relatively late, it quickly gained momentum, especially after the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, Sąjūdis, in 1988. The period is also known for arms control negotiations between the US and the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, the new leader of the Soviet Union, using the tools of public diplomacy soon became popular in the West. The US was confronted with the dilema of supporting Lithuanian independence or supporting Gorbachev. The sample of this research is all publications in NYT in 1990, in which Lithuania was mentioned at least once. The method used is content analysis. A total of 611 publications mentioning Lithuania at least once appeared in the NYT in 1990; the majority (523) of which can be classified as political. The Lithuanian diaspora is mentioned in 9-11% of the publications (523). In 1990, the interest in the events in Lithuania grew in the spring and fell in July of 1990. The reason for it was the Supreme Council's of the Republic of Lithuania announcement of 29 June, 1990, of the moratorium of the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Lithuania. Elaine L.E. Ho and Fiona McConnell divide diaspora diplomacy into two modalities: (1) diplomacy through diaspora, and (2) diplomacy by diaspora, when the diaspora becomes an independent political actor. After the research, the author comes to the conclusion that the diaspora diplomacy could be seen as a scale. Rita Dapkus and other Lithuanians of the North America, who chose to carry out publicity activities in Lithuania, are the actors closest to diplomacy through diaspora. The Lithuanian Information Center (LIC), founded in New York in 1979, would be in the middle of diplomacy through diaspora and diplomacy by diaspora. In 1990, LIC played the role of a mediator between Lithuania (which declared independence) and the US. Diplomacy by diaspora was performed by diaspora members, who commented situation in Lithuania in vivid opinion pieces. The image of Lithuania formed by diaspora was constructed by interpreting the present through the past. In this image, Lithuania, which declared independence in 1990, is a continuation of the country, which disappeared from the political maps in 1940. The most similar image of Lithuania was created by conservative authors, who also emphasized that the US did not recognize Lithuanian occupation throughout the entire period of the Cold War. In other NYT publications, both Gorbachev's and Bush's policies regarding Lithuanian crisis were supported; Lithuania's gradual secession from the Soviet Union was supported as well. Therefore, Lithuania emerges as opposition not only to Gorbachev, but also to Bush.

The role of diaspora in forming the image of Lithuania is well-acknowledged. However, it stays unclear how much and in what ways diaspora is important in forming the image of Lithuania. The paper starts with the question which reads as follows: what role diaspora played in "The New York Times" (hereafter NYT) in 1990? In what percentage of political publications the diaspora was mentioned? In what ways its role was manifested? In what aspects the image of Lithuania, formed by diaspora, was different or similar to the images of Lithuania, created by other actors in the NYT? The theory concerning soft power, public diplomacy and diaspora is especially useful for reseraching this topic. One should keep in mind the importance of historical context. Although Mikhail Gorbachev's Perestroika came to Lithuania relatively late, it quickly gained momentum, especially after the establishment of the Reform Movement of Lithuania, Sąjūdis, in 1988. The period is also known for arms control negotiations between the US and the Soviet Union. Gorbachev, the new leader of the Soviet Union, using the tools of public diplomacy soon became popular in the West. The US was confronted with the dilema of supporting Lithuanian independence or supporting Gorbachev. The sample of this research is all publications in NYT in 1990, in which Lithuania was mentioned at least once. The method used is content analysis. A total of 611 publications mentioning Lithuania at least once appeared in the NYT in 1990; the majority (523) of which can be classified as political. The Lithuanian diaspora is mentioned in 9-11% of the publications (523). In 1990, the interest in the events in Lithuania grew in the spring and fell in July of 1990. The reason for it was the Supreme Council's of the Republic of Lithuania announcement of 29 June, 1990, of the moratorium of the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Lithuania. Elaine L.E. Ho and Fiona McConnell divide diaspora diplomacy into two modalities: (1) diplomacy through diaspora, and (2) diplomacy by diaspora, when the diaspora becomes an independent political actor. After the research, the author comes to the conclusion that the diaspora diplomacy could be seen as a scale. Rita Dapkus and other Lithuanians of the North America, who chose to carry out publicity activities in Lithuania, are the actors closest to diplomacy through diaspora. The Lithuanian Information Center (LIC), founded in New York in 1979, would be in the middle of diplomacy through diaspora and diplomacy by diaspora. In 1990, LIC played the role of a mediator between Lithuania (which declared independence) and the US. Diplomacy by diaspora was performed by diaspora members, who commented situation in Lithuania in vivid opinion pieces. The image of Lithuania formed by diaspora was constructed by interpreting the present through the past. In this image, Lithuania, which declared independence in 1990, is a continuation of the country, which disappeared from the political maps in 1940. The most similar image of Lithuania was created by conservative authors, who also emphasized that the US did not recognize Lithuanian occupation throughout the entire period of the Cold War. In other NYT publications, both Gorbachev's and Bush's policies regarding Lithuanian crisis were supported; Lithuania's gradual secession from the Soviet Union was supported as well. Therefore, Lithuania emerges as opposition not only to Gorbachev, but also to Bush.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.

It is not a phenomen that cities are shrinking especially in the regions. This process has been observed for a long time in North America, Wester European countries and Lithuania is no exception. Shrinking cities are generally described as phasing out cities. Due to the decreasing populiation, businesses are moving to more densely populated areas, educational institutions are closing down, there is a lack of leisure entertainment, community, and a sense of security. As a result, young families, whose children do not have easy access to education and leisure facilities are forced to move to cities with a higher concentration of populiation. Moreover, young people, whose reduced employment, deteriorating financial situation of the household, may choose to emigrate. Under poor conditions, the city`s economy is slowing down, which leads to stagnation and no progress towards devoloping sustainability. Although there are challenges to sustainability, it cannot be said that a shrinking city can be considered a dead city and certain decisions can be made towards redevelopment. Object of the research. Sustainble development of the shrinking city of Telšiai. Obejective of the research. To study the directions of sustainable development of a shrinking city and to evaluate their development. Main findings and results. Various analysis of scientific literature revealed ambiguous definitions of a shrinking city. The main feature of a shrinking city is the constantly decreasing population. An analysis of literature has shown that there may be a variety of shrinking reasons, which affect city`s demographics, economy, geography and physical conditions. In order to make a city attractive, different directions of development are possible. Sustainability is at the heart of urban development. The aim is to develop cities in an economically, ecologically and socially sustainable way, combining the concept of a smart city and applying the practices of the circular economy. In order to assess a sustainable development of the shrinking city, a real example was chosen the city of Telšiai. The statistical analysis of the city Telšiai shows that the city is shrinking, the population is decreasing every year and a negative increase of the population is observed. Based on the result of the calculated integrated sustainable development index, the city of Telšiai should further improve the ecological and social development. Also, the city government should take into account the needs of the population, their leisure time, the promotion of community spirit, the development of various programs. The expert assessment showed that the specialists believe that the priority of Telšiai city should be the development in improving its material well-being. According to experts, there is a lack of business promotion in Telšiai, which could increase the supply of labor and promote employment in the city. Expert assessment showed that social welfare in the city is poorly developed. Social well-being is is of vital importance, since the community spirit created in the city allows the residents to feel safe, encourages the them to organize community actions or events aimed at beautifying the city, improving the environment. The results of the expert assessment showed that the city of Telšiai develops the well-being of the environment quite well, by increasing the length of bicycle paths and improving children`s playgrounds. According to most experts the pollution prevention, noise level and air quality in the city are mainttaning the required standard of the ecological welfare. Summarizing the results it can be stated that the city of Telšiai should take into account the development of all dimensions. Promoting business would not only promote employment and create additional work opportunities, but would also bring financial benefits to the city. Financial opportunities can improve and develop the environment and social well-being in Telšiai.

It is not a phenomen that cities are shrinking especially in the regions. This process has been observed for a long time in North America, Wester European countries and Lithuania is no exception. Shrinking cities are generally described as phasing out cities. Due to the decreasing populiation, businesses are moving to more densely populated areas, educational institutions are closing down, there is a lack of leisure entertainment, community, and a sense of security. As a result, young families, whose children do not have easy access to education and leisure facilities are forced to move to cities with a higher concentration of populiation. Moreover, young people, whose reduced employment, deteriorating financial situation of the household, may choose to emigrate. Under poor conditions, the city`s economy is slowing down, which leads to stagnation and no progress towards devoloping sustainability. Although there are challenges to sustainability, it cannot be said that a shrinking city can be considered a dead city and certain decisions can be made towards redevelopment. Object of the research. Sustainble development of the shrinking city of Telšiai. Obejective of the research. To study the directions of sustainable development of a shrinking city and to evaluate their development. Main findings and results. Various analysis of scientific literature revealed ambiguous definitions of a shrinking city. The main feature of a shrinking city is the constantly decreasing population. An analysis of literature has shown that there may be a variety of shrinking reasons, which affect city`s demographics, economy, geography and physical conditions. In order to make a city attractive, different directions of development are possible. Sustainability is at the heart of urban development. The aim is to develop cities in an economically, ecologically and socially sustainable way, combining the concept of a smart city and applying the practices of the circular economy. In order to assess a sustainable development of the shrinking city, a real example was chosen the city of Telšiai. The statistical analysis of the city Telšiai shows that the city is shrinking, the population is decreasing every year and a negative increase of the population is observed. Based on the result of the calculated integrated sustainable development index, the city of Telšiai should further improve the ecological and social development. Also, the city government should take into account the needs of the population, their leisure time, the promotion of community spirit, the development of various programs. The expert assessment showed that the specialists believe that the priority of Telšiai city should be the development in improving its material well-being. According to experts, there is a lack of business promotion in Telšiai, which could increase the supply of labor and promote employment in the city. Expert assessment showed that social welfare in the city is poorly developed. Social well-being is is of vital importance, since the community spirit created in the city allows the residents to feel safe, encourages the them to organize community actions or events aimed at beautifying the city, improving the environment. The results of the expert assessment showed that the city of Telšiai develops the well-being of the environment quite well, by increasing the length of bicycle paths and improving children`s playgrounds. According to most experts the pollution prevention, noise level and air quality in the city are mainttaning the required standard of the ecological welfare. Summarizing the results it can be stated that the city of Telšiai should take into account the development of all dimensions. Promoting business would not only promote employment and create additional work opportunities, but would also bring financial benefits to the city. Financial opportunities can improve and develop the environment and social well-being in Telšiai.

It is not a phenomen that cities are shrinking especially in the regions. This process has been observed for a long time in North America, Wester European countries and Lithuania is no exception. Shrinking cities are generally described as phasing out cities. Due to the decreasing populiation, businesses are moving to more densely populated areas, educational institutions are closing down, there is a lack of leisure entertainment, community, and a sense of security. As a result, young families, whose children do not have easy access to education and leisure facilities are forced to move to cities with a higher concentration of populiation. Moreover, young people, whose reduced employment, deteriorating financial situation of the household, may choose to emigrate. Under poor conditions, the city`s economy is slowing down, which leads to stagnation and no progress towards devoloping sustainability. Although there are challenges to sustainability, it cannot be said that a shrinking city can be considered a dead city and certain decisions can be made towards redevelopment. Object of the research. Sustainble development of the shrinking city of Telšiai. Obejective of the research. To study the directions of sustainable development of a shrinking city and to evaluate their development. Main findings and results. Various analysis of scientific literature revealed ambiguous definitions of a shrinking city. The main feature of a shrinking city is the constantly decreasing population. An analysis of literature has shown that there may be a variety of shrinking reasons, which affect city`s demographics, economy, geography and physical conditions. In order to make a city attractive, different directions of development are possible. Sustainability is at the heart of urban development. The aim is to develop cities in an economically, ecologically and socially sustainable way, combining the concept of a smart city and applying the practices of the circular economy. In order to assess a sustainable development of the shrinking city, a real example was chosen the city of Telšiai. The statistical analysis of the city Telšiai shows that the city is shrinking, the population is decreasing every year and a negative increase of the population is observed. Based on the result of the calculated integrated sustainable development index, the city of Telšiai should further improve the ecological and social development. Also, the city government should take into account the needs of the population, their leisure time, the promotion of community spirit, the development of various programs. The expert assessment showed that the specialists believe that the priority of Telšiai city should be the development in improving its material well-being. According to experts, there is a lack of business promotion in Telšiai, which could increase the supply of labor and promote employment in the city. Expert assessment showed that social welfare in the city is poorly developed. Social well-being is is of vital importance, since the community spirit created in the city allows the residents to feel safe, encourages the them to organize community actions or events aimed at beautifying the city, improving the environment. The results of the expert assessment showed that the city of Telšiai develops the well-being of the environment quite well, by increasing the length of bicycle paths and improving children`s playgrounds. According to most experts the pollution prevention, noise level and air quality in the city are mainttaning the required standard of the ecological welfare. Summarizing the results it can be stated that the city of Telšiai should take into account the development of all dimensions. Promoting business would not only promote employment and create additional work opportunities, but would also bring financial benefits to the city. Financial opportunities can improve and develop the environment and social well-being in Telšiai.