Suchergebnisse

A eulogy for Susan Marton who was born in March 29, 1965 in New York as the youngest child in a family of five children. She got a B.A. in political science and French from DePauw University and a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Gothenburg. After her dissertation she taught political science first at Seffield University and then at the University of Karlstad. Since her immigration to Sweden in August 1992, Marton became fluent in Swedish and a well known expert commentator on politics in North America. Marton passed away in 2009 after a short battle with an unexpected illness. L. Pitkaniemi

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

The main object of this study is to analyze the role of the North region of European Union, ensuring energy security in the EU and foresee the possible perspectives of the EU's energy policy in the nearest future. The North region is analyzed emphasizing two countries which are main energy suppliers for Europe – Russian Federation and Norway. For a better understanding of the object, the specific proposition has been formulated: the struggle of the national states for energy resources and individual decisions allow energy insecurity in the European Union since the EU's declared objective "to speak in one voice" is inconsistent with national interests of EU's member states. Although the European Union can be defined as the complex of energy security in which the relation of dependence is comprehended as a threat (the main source of this threat is the Russian Federation's energy monopoly), however the growing consumption and competition for energy resources encourage the countries to search for alternative energy resources and its suppliers. These actions disrupt the initiatives of the common European Union's energy policy. The political consciousness is not yet grown in the EU's countries and it determinates the weakness of the EU as a political construct in case of competition with the rising economical powers (such as India and China) for energy resources. On the other hand the consumption is growing in the Russian market as well, which implies possible insecurity of supply. In the nearest future the EU's North and Arctic regions with its huge resources of natural gas and oil can be a significant energy base for Europe. On the other hand the Arctic region becomes the struggle arena for great powers and regional powers (such as United States of America, Russian Federation and Norway). For the EU which is more economical than political construct and must combine national interest of the member states it will be quite difficult to achieve its goals of energy policy.

The main object of this study is to analyze the role of the North region of European Union, ensuring energy security in the EU and foresee the possible perspectives of the EU's energy policy in the nearest future. The North region is analyzed emphasizing two countries which are main energy suppliers for Europe – Russian Federation and Norway. For a better understanding of the object, the specific proposition has been formulated: the struggle of the national states for energy resources and individual decisions allow energy insecurity in the European Union since the EU's declared objective "to speak in one voice" is inconsistent with national interests of EU's member states. Although the European Union can be defined as the complex of energy security in which the relation of dependence is comprehended as a threat (the main source of this threat is the Russian Federation's energy monopoly), however the growing consumption and competition for energy resources encourage the countries to search for alternative energy resources and its suppliers. These actions disrupt the initiatives of the common European Union's energy policy. The political consciousness is not yet grown in the EU's countries and it determinates the weakness of the EU as a political construct in case of competition with the rising economical powers (such as India and China) for energy resources. On the other hand the consumption is growing in the Russian market as well, which implies possible insecurity of supply. In the nearest future the EU's North and Arctic regions with its huge resources of natural gas and oil can be a significant energy base for Europe. On the other hand the Arctic region becomes the struggle arena for great powers and regional powers (such as United States of America, Russian Federation and Norway). For the EU which is more economical than political construct and must combine national interest of the member states it will be quite difficult to achieve its goals of energy policy.

The main object of this study is to analyze the role of the North region of European Union, ensuring energy security in the EU and foresee the possible perspectives of the EU's energy policy in the nearest future. The North region is analyzed emphasizing two countries which are main energy suppliers for Europe – Russian Federation and Norway. For a better understanding of the object, the specific proposition has been formulated: the struggle of the national states for energy resources and individual decisions allow energy insecurity in the European Union since the EU's declared objective "to speak in one voice" is inconsistent with national interests of EU's member states. Although the European Union can be defined as the complex of energy security in which the relation of dependence is comprehended as a threat (the main source of this threat is the Russian Federation's energy monopoly), however the growing consumption and competition for energy resources encourage the countries to search for alternative energy resources and its suppliers. These actions disrupt the initiatives of the common European Union's energy policy. The political consciousness is not yet grown in the EU's countries and it determinates the weakness of the EU as a political construct in case of competition with the rising economical powers (such as India and China) for energy resources. On the other hand the consumption is growing in the Russian market as well, which implies possible insecurity of supply. In the nearest future the EU's North and Arctic regions with its huge resources of natural gas and oil can be a significant energy base for Europe. On the other hand the Arctic region becomes the struggle arena for great powers and regional powers (such as United States of America, Russian Federation and Norway). For the EU which is more economical than political construct and must combine national interest of the member states it will be quite difficult to achieve its goals of energy policy.

The largest ethnic minority of the European Union is constituted by the approximately 10-12 million Roma population. Geographically they are primarily located in the South Eastern European EU Member States, and the solution of the Roma question constitutes a number one problem in the home affairs of these countries. Most of the countries are already members–or candidate members –of the European Union but their joining to the Western market economies is not lacking problems. As a consequence of the current financial and economic crisis, the EU has become even more "two-speed". In this crisis situation the situation of the Roma population living here has become particularly hopeless. The rapid increase in the number of the Roma population in South Eastern Europe living among the conditions of the demographic boom, as well as their geographical expansion intensify the sensitivity of the mainstream society regarding the questions of the transforming coexistence. The shift in the ratio within the population sharpened and magnified the differences between the dissimilar lifestyle and the philosophy of life respecting the two major social groups which led to sharpening tensions. Of course, the deeply desperate Roma population makes more and more attempts in order to be able to migrate from the South Eastern European countries to the richer regions of Western Europe and North America in the hope of an easier life. They, however, face more and more obstacles. The social and economic integration of the Roma population in Hungary is mainly hindered by the low level of education, the high level of unemployment, criminality and the existing prejudices experienced in the mainstream society.

What is the political significance of affiliation with voluntary associations for people with and without foreign backgrounds in Sweden? Does associational affiliation offer an opportunity to influence the political decision-making process for those otherwise disfavoured in terms of political resources? Or does it rather aggravate the political marginalisation of people with foreign backgrounds? This thesis is based on two large-scale surveys that have been designed explicitly to deal with questions of this sort. It is shown that there are substantial differences in associational affiliation between people with and without foreign backgrounds. Interestingly, these differences are strongly correlated with patterns of ethnification and ethnic discrimination in Swedish society. Individuals who have migrated to Sweden from Western Europe and North America participate in voluntary associations to the same extent as native Swedes. In contrast, the levels of associational affiliation are consistently lower among people who have migrated to Sweden from other parts of the world, even controlling for age, education, occupation and other potentially important factors. The study supports the widely held notion that there is a positive causal relation between associational affiliation and political participation. However, this seems to be true only with regard to certain forms of political participation and only seldom to such an extent that differences in associational affiliation can be said to strongly affect the relative levels of political engagement of people with and without foreign backgrounds. In particular, the observed differences in associational affiliation seem to have little to do with the often debated marginalisation of immigrants in the electoral arena. ; Etnisk organisering och politisk integration i storstaden

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.