Suchergebnisse

The transportation of the nineteenth century; the opening of fertile virgin soil, farmed by extensive methods, in North America, Argentina, and Russia; the expansion of animal husbandry in the Americas and Australia; the development of refrigeration and canning; a chronic worldwide shortage of currency; and such natural catastrophes as the destruction of French vineyards by phylloxera, epidemics of hoof-and-mouth disease, and years of drought followed by years of excessive rain, produced a severe crisis for European farmers in the final quarter of the nineteenth century. European farmers found themselves in a squeeze between the cheap prices of their overseas competitors and their own high production costs, which were caused by intensive or antiquated methods. Two alternative policies confronted European of the high-cost areas.

The concept of a transnational system applies well to a study of labor in North America. For one thing, the chief characteristics of the labor market and of the institutions, procedures, and practices of labor relations are broadly similar in Canada and the United States as compared with other parts of the world. Although such similarities are not alone sufficient to suggest a system, there is also a persistent structure of relationships and interactions in labor matters extending across the boundary between the two countries. American investment in Canada and the so-called international unions are at the heart of this structure of relationships. Other segments of labor, whether organized in trade unions or unorganized, are connected with the heart of this transnational system through the continental flow of economic transactions.

The central fact of the demographic history of early North America is rapid growth. Both Canada and the white population of the English colonies experienced increases of 2½ percent per year during the eighteenth century. Seventeenth-century rates, beginning from a low base and more influenced by immigration, were even higher. In contrast, the expansion of population in early modern Europe rarely exceeded 1 percent per annum over an extended period. Since Franklin and Malthus, interpretations of early American demography have centered on the high fertility associated with near universal marriage for women at a low average age. The extremely youthful population, high dependency ratio, and one of the largest mean census family sizes ever recorded all follow from the high level of fertility.

Developments in the world economy have on the whole been much as we predicted in February. It is becoming increasingly clear that renewed expansion is under way in the United States at a pace which, even if it falls short of the Administration's hopes, is more than compensating for the slowing down in industrial countries outside North America. This deceleration has become quite marked in Japan as well as Western Europe, but we expect a faster pace to be resumed before the end of the year. We still put real growth in OECD countries at around 4 per cent in 1971, unless there is a prolonged steel strike in the United States. This compares with about 2½ per cent last year, and we expect the rising trend to continue into 1972.

In 1992 during the election campaign to reach the US presidency of North America, the then candidate for the Democratic Party Bill Clinton, popularised a sentence (which became famous) against his republican counterpart George Bush (father). The sentence that would bring it to the White House was: "It is the economy, staunch". But what is the economy? Institute for International Relations ; En 1992 durante la campaña electoral para llegar a la presidencia de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, el para entonces candidato por el partido demócrata Bill Clinton, popularizó una frase (que luego se hizo famosa) contra su homólogo republicano George Bush (padre). La frase que lo llevaría a la Casa Blanca era: "Es la economía, estúpido". Pero ¿qué es la economía?. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Of all the soc sci's, pol'al sci has, to date, been the 1 that has taken the least part in the efforts of UNESCO toward peaceful cooperation. This situation impairs the study of pol'al phenomena in countries outside of Western Europe & North America & contributes to the Ideological diff's which are already reflected in the double terminology: peaceful cooperation in the West & peaceful coexistence in the East. For the attempts at internat'l cooperation of the sci'sts to become positive contributions, it will be necessary to conduct limited studies in connection with the other soc sci's (eg, studies of the admin'ive, gov'al & pol'al aspects of the effects of technical transformations) & to seek an improvement in the understanding of the actual functions of inter-gov'al org's & of internat'l aid programs. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Edwin F. Gay, my predecessor, in the inaugural presidential address of this Association described the continuity of the history of economic history from Europe to North America as illustrated in his own work. As your second president I represent a later stage of this continuity, a student of Chester W. Wright who in turn was a student of Edwin Gay. I am in a sense one of Edwin Gay's grandsons. This, particularly as it appeals to my strong Scottish interest in genealogy, provides the only satisfactory explanation I have been able to find of the honor you have done me in appointing me his successor. For the same reason it is a source of satisfaction to me that my successor can be said to fill the intervening gap as one of Edwin Gay's sons.

BackgroundForeign‐born, HIV‐infected persons are at risk for sub‐clinical parasitic infections acquired in their countries of origin. This study presents the results of this screening program.MethodsA prospective, descriptive study was designed to include all the immigrant patients diagnosed of HIV infection attending in Hospital Central de Asturias, Spain, 2006–2011. We included demographic variables, CD4+cells count and viral load at time of diagnosis. Screening comprised blood count, biochemistry, basic urinalysis, hepatitis B virus (HBV), HCV, strongyloidiasis and schistosomiasis serologic analysis, stool parasites, blood test for filarias, PCR for malaria and Chagas disease serologic analysis and PCR in persons from Latin America. Qualitative variables were compared using the χ2 test, the Fisher exact test, when necessary. For quantitative variables, the Student t test for nonpaired variables or the Mann‐Whitney U test were used. Significance was designated at p<0.05.Results57 patients were analyzed. 70% are sub‐Saharan immigrant and the rest Latin American. The most frequent countries of origin were Equatorial Guinea (43%), Nigeria (10%), Senegal (9%), Colombia (9%). Average time in Spain: 1,061 days (3–9,876). Average Cd4+cells were 209 cells/mm3. The average viral load were 47,000 RNA viral copies. Intestinal parasites were diagnosed in 27 patients: T. trichuria (22%), strongyloidiasis (11%), amebiasis (7%), and schistosomiasis (5%), G. intestinalis (4%). All infections by T. trichuria were diagnosed in Equatorial Guinea patients. Other parasites diseases were: filariasis by M. perstans (9%); malaria (9%, all from Equatorial Guinea), Chagas disease (4%). Eight patients had chronic hepatitis B virus and 2 patients had HCV hepatitis. 19% of patients had latent syphilis, significantly more frequent in sub‐Saharan patients (9 vs 2; p=0.04). In 12 patients the screening did not show any disease.ConclusionsGiven the high prevalence of certain parasite infections and the potential lack of suggestive symptoms and signs, selected screening for strongyloidiasis and schistosomiasis or use of empiric antiparasitic therapy may be appropriate among foreign‐born, HIV‐infected patients. Identifying and treating helminth infections could prevent long‐term complications.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

As a reflection of the ecological pressures associated with rapid modernization and globalization, the environment has become an enduring theme of public debate and protest in Latin America. Over the past decade, scholars have made increasing connections between such debate and a range of questions related to citizenship. Meanwhile, a discourse of 'environmental citizenship' has a growing prevalence in policy across the region. While these developments echo similar political and academic trends in the Global North, the Latin American context demands a unique set of theoretical and methodological approaches to studying the intersection of ecology and citizenship, sensitive to the specific historical, cultural, and ecological character of the region. We outline a research agenda spanning questions of land, identity and citizenship; environmental justice and de-colonization; social subjectivity and the state; urban natures and citizens; and the materiality/subjectivity of nature. This array of approaches points to a more acute conceptualization of citizenship, both in terms of its understanding of politics and its treatment of ecology; it also offers a point of view that recognizes citizens and natures as dynamic realities, which mutually condition each other in a sphere of ongoing contest. Resumen: Medio ambiente y ciudadanía en América Latina: un nuevo paradigma para la teoría y práctica Como reflexión de los impactos ecológicos asociados con la modernización rápida y la globalización, el medio ambiente se ha transformado en un tema de debate y protesta constante en Latinoamérica. Durante la última década, un número creciente de académicos ha observado conexiones entre tal debate y una gama de asuntos relacionados con la ciudadanía. Al mismo tiempo, un discurso de 'ciudadanía ambiental' ha alcanzado una prevalencia notable en las políticas públicas de la región. Aunque estos acontecimientos reflejan de una tendencia política e intelectual similar ocurrente en el norte global, el contexto latinoamericano nos exige un conjunto especial de enfoques teóricos y metodológicos para examinar la intersección de ecología y ciudadanía, con una sensibilidad hacia el carácter histórico, cultural y ecológico de la región. Proponemos una agenda de investigación que abarque los temas de tierra, identidad y ciudadanía; justicia ambiental y de-colonización; subjetividad social y el estado; naturaleza y ciudadanía en las urbes; y la materialidad/ subjetividad de la naturaleza. Esta serie de planteamientos nos lleva hacia una conceptualización más nítida de la ciudadanía, tanto en su compresión de la política como en su consideración de la ecología; nos ofrece además una mirada que registra al ciudadano y a la naturaleza como realidades dinámicas, que se condicionan mutuamente en un ámbito de contienda perpetua.