Suchergebnisse

One year after the referendum, after losing its majority in the general election, the UK government is revising what Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson famously labelled the 'Cake-and-Eat-It' approach to Brexit. In this context, it might be worth asking if there is anything the UK can learn from Norway's quarter of a century experience as a 'quasimember' of the European Union. ; The brief is a part of the project 'Europe in transition – Small states and Europe in an age of global shifts (EUNOR). ; publishedVersion

The aim of this study, based on response on a questionnaire from 65 teachers in upper secondary schools, is to gain insight into how teachers experience and practice their role as leaders in the digital classroom. Research shows that teachers seldom are asked about their opinions concerning use of technical device. From 2007 all Norwegian students in upper secondary schools were given a computer from the authorities. Politicians argued for pedagogical use of ICT, for example, through interactive device like social networking sites. However, recent national reports show that teachers mainly use ICT for administrative and not for pedagogical purposes. Findings from the current study show that teachers adjust the technology to their existing pedagogy and continue their existing practice. To a small extent the technology's interactive abilities are utilized. Technological device is powerful. Possible consequences of placing technology on every student's desk are discussed. The teachers' future concern is to control Internet and to have possibilities to develop and discuss pedagogical use of technology in classrooms with their colleagues. ; publishedVersion

This article studies inter-agency coordination in a "wicked" policy area by examining the Norwegian model against work-related crime. The main research questions are: How does the Norwegian government work to ensure coordination in the field of work-related crime? What enables and constrains horizontal and vertical coordination in this field? We find that the case represents a push towards joint intelligence efforts at the national level to create more analytical capacity and more effective use of punitive sanctions. By analysing data in the period from 2014 to 2019 we show that coordination has intensified over time, but that sector-based priorities, regulations and performance targets remain important obstacles for coordination. The article shows how a secondary organizational structure, ensuring a more coordinated, cross-sectoral strategy for combating work-related crime has been established at the national (strategic) and regional (tactical/operational) level. This supplements the primary organizational structure which is based on the more "traditional" division between ministerial areas and policy sectors and allows for both change and organizational stability. The result is a field that is more coordinated, but still complex and constrained by the existing sector-divisions, organizational and management structures. ; publishedVersion

Mit dem politischen Wechsel in der BRD 1966 und 1969 verbesserten sich die deutsch-norwegischen Beziehungen. Willy Brandt und seiner engen Verbindung mit Norwegen kam hierbei eine entscheidende Bedeutung zu. Gleichzeitig intensivierte sich auch der Kontakt zwischen Norwegen und der EG, indem die Erweiterungsfrage neue Impulse erhielt. Von der Vorbereitung des zweiten norwegischen Antrags auf Mitgliedschaft 1967 bis zum negativen Referendum 1972 und dem Abschluss eines Freihandelsvertrages 1973 konzentrierten sich die deutsch-norwegischen Gespräche auf europapolitische Fragen. In diesem Beitrag werden die zentralen Problemstellungen und methodischen Herausforderungen eines Dissertationsprojektes diskutiert, das sich mit dem Verhältnis von bilateralen und multilateralen Ebenen der deutsch-norwegischen Zusammenarbeit auseinandersetzt und die Bedeutung von Bürokratie, Parteien und individuellen Akteuren darin zu erfassen sucht.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is dedicated to reducing poverty in Asia and the Pacific through inclusive economic growth, environmentally sustainable growth, and regional integration. Established in 1966, it is owned by 67 members—48 from the region—who have committed $247.28 billion in loans to the vision of a region free of poverty. Despite the region's many successes, it remains home to the majority of the world's poor. Norway has contributed $485.57 million in capital subscription as of 31 December 2016. It has contributed and committed $243.43 million to Special Funds since joining in 1966.

My aim with this thesis is to synthesize the existing literature related to the integration processes of Somali women in Minnesota and Norway. To guide the assembly of a comprehensive overview, I adopt a postcolonial feminist approach, along with an intersectional framework. By illuminating how race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, gender and religion intersect, I seek to destabilize dominant perceptions surrounding the integration processes of Somali women. In order to achieve these aims: I will collect literature from diverse sources to map out what is known of how the intersections of race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, gender and religion are linked to contextual factors shape the ability Somali women in Norway and Minnesota

This thesis compares the history and politics of the "Indigenous question" in Norway and Australia, using the Norwegian experience as a point of reference for a critical examination of the prevailing discourse and policies in Australia. Although the territory inhabited by the Sami extends into four states – Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia – the Norwegian Sami have been the most active in global campaigns for Indigenous rights, and the Norwegian state has adopted the most developed policies designed to implement such rights. At the same time, the Norwegian Sami – in sharp contrast to the shocking poverty and social disadvantage of Aboriginal Australians – enjoy a relatively high standard of living. The relationship between Indigenous rights and socio-­economic development is at the heart of the thesis. Its distinctive approach is to eschew theoretical and philosophical abstractions and focus on an exploration of the historical and political circumstances that shaped the nature and the range of possible solutions, of the problem: the very different pace and nature of colonisation, in Australia rapid and driven by the rapacious appetite of British capitalism for global expansion which had little use for the Indigenous peoples it encountered and dispossessed, in Norway/Fennoscandia a much more protracted process which allowed for some coexistence and cooperation (and mutual adaptation) between Indigenous and non-­Indigenous societies over several centuries; the strategic importance of the Sami in their geopolitically contested region; the very different (and historically changing) possibilities for economic relations and political alliances between Indigenous and non-­Indigenous interests and movements. As the first ever systematic comparison between the Sami and Aboriginal Australia (which is more commonly compared with the Maori or Native Americans), the choice of a comparative reference point outside the historical context of the British Empire and Anglo­-American political culture is in itself an original ...

Anticipated industrial growth in northern Norway, particularly of energy intensive industries such as hydrocarbons and mining, will inevitably result in increased electricity consumption. Northern Norway faces security of supply challenges, and substantial investments are needed in generation, transmission and distribution capacity in order to meet the growing electricity demand. This makes it advantageous to reinforce the existing cross-border electricity infrastructure and trade between Norway and Russia. Cross-border interconnections however are complex, and the controversial debate over Norway's position on nuclear power in the Kola Peninsula has created public and political opposition that could permanently hinder interconnection expansion plans. This article provides an outline of the existing electricity interconnection and trade between Norway and Russia and examines the potential for reinforcing those arrangements, as well as the concomitant social, political and legal challenges. It argues that in spite of nuclear power controversies, there is still room for expanding the existing interconnection and electricity trade in view of opportunities for the development of other renewable resources in Russia.

The paper describes aspects and dilemmas concerning streaming of students according to ability in an ongoing developmental project in a small town in Norway. The project is part of a governmental effort to implement the New Norwegian curricula plan "Kunnskapsløftet1". This new plan introduces streaming of students, which is new in the Norwegian school context. The data presented are from focus groups involving teachers in which ideological conflicts are identified.

The aim of the paper is to present the main trends within philosophy in Norway. The author also discusses the most important research works carried out at university centres, the goal of which is to analyse Norwegian post-war philosophy. The predominant movement, so called 'practical philosophy', deals with ethical, religious, political, social and economic issues. Many Norwegian philosophers are also active as university teachers or researchers at universities in Oslo (e.g. Arne Naess, Hans Skjervheim, Trond Berg Eriksen, Torstein Tollefsen, Anfinn Stigen) and in Bergen (e.g. Gunnar Skirbekk, Nils Gilje, Vigdis Songe-Møller, Knut Erik Tranøy)

The standoff between Russia and the West over Ukraine has already obstructed cooperation across a range of issues. Could it also affect state interaction between Norway and Russia in the Arctic—an area and a relationship long characterized by a culture of compromise and/or cooperation? Here we start from the theoretical premise that states are not pre-constituted political entities, but are constantly in the making. How Russia views its own role and how it views other actors in the Arctic changes over time, calling for differing approaches. That holds true for Norway as well. To clarify the premises for interaction between Russia and Norway in the Arctic, we scrutinize changes in official discourse on Self and Other in the Arctic on both sides in the period 2012 to 2016, to establish what kind of policy mode—"realist," "institutionalist," or "diplomatic management"—has underlain the two countries' official discourse in that period. Has Norway continued to pursue "balancing" policies undertaken in the realist mode with those in the diplomatic management mode? Which modes have characterized Russia's approach toward Norway? Finding that realist-mode policies increasingly dominate on both sides, in the conclusion we discuss how the changing mode of the one state affects that of the other, and why a New Cold War is now spreading to the Arctic.

Since the 1940s, moose populations in parts of Norway have increased rapidly. This had led, by the 1990s, to increases in traffic accidents, damage negatively impacting the agricultural and forest industries, and reductions in growth and fecundity of moose. Local level management of moose (Alces alces), red deer (Cervus elaphus), and roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) has occurred for 45 years represented by The Wildlife Board in every municipality. This board, however, was a governmental institution. The national regulations seem unnecessarily detailed by today's standards. In 1996, the Directorate for Nature Management started a project aimed at making management of cervids increasingly community based. The project was completed in the year 2000. The vision is that local management plans developed by the landowners and hunters are going to direct future management and be the basis for solving many of the current challenges.

Political communication in Iceland and in the Nordic Countries has undergone dramatic changes in the last decades. The political process has had to adjust to a new media landscape and to novel media technology at the same time as the media themselves are faced with transformed political realities. This paper reports a qualitative study on the way in which political parties in Iceland and Norway deal with a twofold change in political communication: on the one hand the change that has occurred with increasing commercialisation and professionalization of the traditional media; on the other, the change brought about by the digital revolution, with an explosion of media-outlets, communication possibilities and fragmentation of the public sphere. Five general dimensions are found to characterize the new realities of political communication in Norway and Iceland. These are: agenda setting; targeting of special groups; internal communication; professionalization; and a holistic communication approach. ; Non peer reviewed

In coastal north Norway the Saami people have lived in a close relationship with Norwegians or Norse people for a thousand years or more. This relationship has been articulated in various ways over the centuries, and this article argues that in parts of the region it took a rather intimate form based on the shared exploitation of the dominant marine and terrestrial niches, a common class position as tenant farmers, a varying practice of inter-ethnic marital relations and the effects of a bilateral kinship system. Various forms of inter-ethnic contact and exchange may thus have served to reduce the relevance of ethnic difference in daily life, as suggested by Barth's argument about the integrative effect of transactions, but contrary to his argument about the transactional reinforcement of ethnic boundaries. Contrary to the intention, governmental assimilatory efforts served to reproduce the boundary as the basis for a ranked society and left coastal Saami individuals in some confusion as to how to define themselves, often opting for a mixed category of Norwegian and Saami, labelled 'Northerner'. Ethno-political emancipation in recent years has tended to put pressure on this identity construction and promoted a dichotomised identity as either Saami or Norwegian.

Forest protection in nature reserves in Norway relies on the voluntary participation of forest owners. While the national forest protection program has been a success since its start in early 1990s, by 2020 the national forest protection authorities were only halfway to reaching their goal of protecting 10% all forest area. We examined attitudes towards forest protection in general and towards different protection modes using surveys of forest owners between 2003 and 2010. Our analysis is based on a comprehensive comparison between a random sample of forest owners (n = 647), forest owners who participated in voluntary conservation (n = 126) and forest owners involved in the government-led coniferous forest protection program (n = 142). Only about 10% of forest owners involved in voluntary protection processes are either quite or very unhappy with the process, while 75% of forest owners involved in government-led protection were either quite or very unhappy with the process. Moreover, forest owners who had experience with the voluntary protection program were largely satisfied with the results. We discuss forest owners' attitudes to forest protection in general, and possible reasons for the differences in attitudes between compulsory protection and voluntary protection. We conclude that voluntary protection has great potential to fulfill the last 5% area goal for forest protection in Norway, with some improvements in the process. Biodiversity conservation; landowners; nature reserves; policy implementation; participation process ; publishedVersion