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Summary in EnglishTitle of our thesis: 'Norway and isolationism, 1940-1972'. We start by building up a portrait of Norway by referring to works by authors such as Raymond Aron (1905-1983) and his «War and peace between nations» [Guerre et paix entre nations], Francis Fukuyama (1952-) with his study of « The Origins of Political Order », Hans Magnus Enzensberger(1929-), author of « Out-of-step Norway » [Norsk utakt], Henrik Ibsen and his « Peer Gynt» as well as numerous writings by Olav Riste (1933-) and other contributors.At the end of this first part our analysis has uncovered the traditional and defensive isolationism of the Norwegians which we qualify as being of the first degree, then a second degree isolationism, organic in character, since it is interiorised and hence hidden.Our main sources are accounts of meetings of the "Committee for Foreign affairs and of the Constitution" at the Storting (Parliament) in Oslo.The second part of this thesis deals with the period from 1940 to 1949 where Norway joined the Atlantic pact and NATO in 1949, quite simply because the country had no other choice. In the third part we look at Norway during her period of opening up to the international community from 1950 to 1972 where the country joins, again because she was forced to, first the European Free Trade area (EFTA), then is a candidate for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). The loss at the referendum on Europe in 1972 is mostly due to her isolationism that we in the end shall qualify as being extraordinary. ; Résumé en françaisTitre de notre thèse : « La Norvège et l'isolationnisme, 1940-1972 ». Nous avons d'abord entrepris de tracer un tableau de la Norvège en nous reportant à des ouvrages d'auteurs tels Raymond Aron (1905-1983) et son « Guerre et paix entre nations », de Francis Fukuyama (1952-) avec son étude « The Origins of Political Order » [Les origines de l'ordre politique], de Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1929-), auteur de « Norsk utakt » [La Norvège qui marche à contretemps], d'Henrik Ibsen ...

Summary in EnglishTitle of our thesis: 'Norway and isolationism, 1940-1972'. We start by building up a portrait of Norway by referring to works by authors such as Raymond Aron (1905-1983) and his «War and peace between nations» [Guerre et paix entre nations], Francis Fukuyama (1952-) with his study of « The Origins of Political Order », Hans Magnus Enzensberger(1929-), author of « Out-of-step Norway » [Norsk utakt], Henrik Ibsen and his « Peer Gynt» as well as numerous writings by Olav Riste (1933-) and other contributors.At the end of this first part our analysis has uncovered the traditional and defensive isolationism of the Norwegians which we qualify as being of the first degree, then a second degree isolationism, organic in character, since it is interiorised and hence hidden.Our main sources are accounts of meetings of the "Committee for Foreign affairs and of the Constitution" at the Storting (Parliament) in Oslo.The second part of this thesis deals with the period from 1940 to 1949 where Norway joined the Atlantic pact and NATO in 1949, quite simply because the country had no other choice. In the third part we look at Norway during her period of opening up to the international community from 1950 to 1972 where the country joins, again because she was forced to, first the European Free Trade area (EFTA), then is a candidate for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). The loss at the referendum on Europe in 1972 is mostly due to her isolationism that we in the end shall qualify as being extraordinary. ; Résumé en françaisTitre de notre thèse : « La Norvège et l'isolationnisme, 1940-1972 ». Nous avons d'abord entrepris de tracer un tableau de la Norvège en nous reportant à des ouvrages d'auteurs tels Raymond Aron (1905-1983) et son « Guerre et paix entre nations », de Francis Fukuyama (1952-) avec son étude « The Origins of Political Order » [Les origines de l'ordre politique], de Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1929-), auteur de « Norsk utakt » [La Norvège qui marche à contretemps], d'Henrik Ibsen ...

Summary in EnglishTitle of our thesis: 'Norway and isolationism, 1940-1972'. We start by building up a portrait of Norway by referring to works by authors such as Raymond Aron (1905-1983) and his «War and peace between nations» [Guerre et paix entre nations], Francis Fukuyama (1952-) with his study of « The Origins of Political Order », Hans Magnus Enzensberger(1929-), author of « Out-of-step Norway » [Norsk utakt], Henrik Ibsen and his « Peer Gynt» as well as numerous writings by Olav Riste (1933-) and other contributors.At the end of this first part our analysis has uncovered the traditional and defensive isolationism of the Norwegians which we qualify as being of the first degree, then a second degree isolationism, organic in character, since it is interiorised and hence hidden.Our main sources are accounts of meetings of the "Committee for Foreign affairs and of the Constitution" at the Storting (Parliament) in Oslo.The second part of this thesis deals with the period from 1940 to 1949 where Norway joined the Atlantic pact and NATO in 1949, quite simply because the country had no other choice. In the third part we look at Norway during her period of opening up to the international community from 1950 to 1972 where the country joins, again because she was forced to, first the European Free Trade area (EFTA), then is a candidate for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). The loss at the referendum on Europe in 1972 is mostly due to her isolationism that we in the end shall qualify as being extraordinary. ; Résumé en françaisTitre de notre thèse : « La Norvège et l'isolationnisme, 1940-1972 ». Nous avons d'abord entrepris de tracer un tableau de la Norvège en nous reportant à des ouvrages d'auteurs tels Raymond Aron (1905-1983) et son « Guerre et paix entre nations », de Francis Fukuyama (1952-) avec son étude « The Origins of Political Order » [Les origines de l'ordre politique], de Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1929-), auteur de « Norsk utakt » [La Norvège qui marche à contretemps], d'Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906) et son « Peer Gynt », et de nombreux écrits d'Olav Riste (1933-) et d'autres auteurs.A la fin de cette première partie notre analyse a permis d'identifier l'isolationnisme traditionnel et défensif des Norvégiens que nous désignons comme étant du premier degré, puis une seconde forme d'isolationnisme appelé organique et du second degré, car intériorisé et ainsi occulté.Nos sources principales ont été les Comptes rendus de réunions du Comité des Affaires étrangères et de la Constitution au Storting (Parlement) à Oslo.La deuxième partie de cette thèse traite la période de 1940 à 1949 qui se termine par l'adhésion de la Norvège au Pacte atlantique et l'OTAN en 1949, car le pays n'avait tout simplement pas d'autre choix. En troisième partie nous suivons la Norvège dans une phase d'internationalisation profonde de 1950 à 1972 où le pays adhère, de nouveau sous la contrainte, d'abord à l'Association européenne de libre échange puis cherche à se joindre à la Communauté économique européenne. L'échec au référendum sur l'Europe en 1972 est à imputer en très grande partie à son isolationnisme que nous qualifions d'extraordinaire.

In September, the Norwegian elected their local representatives and the Danes renewed their parliament. These two elections were followed with the greatest interest by all Europeans. Is there a backsliding of the far right in response to the violent events in Norway this summer? ; En septembre dernier, les Norvégiens ont élu leurs représentants locaux et les Danois ont renouvelé leur parlement. Ces deux scrutins ont été suivis avec le plus grand intérêt par l'ensemble des Européens. Allait-on observer un recul de l'extrême droite en réaction aux événements violents qui se sont produits cet été en Norvège ?

Through a geographical approach to urban protected areas, this doctoral dissertation proposes to consider conservation policies as production choices of metropolitan naturality. Based on the study of five northern European metropolises (Oslo, Gothenburg, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki) in four different national contexts (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland), it develops a reasoning on the foundations, practices and representations relating to spaces and spatialities of conservation. We do not propose a monographic compilation, and it is in a transversal and critical way that we invite to consider the protected space as an urban space in its own right. In the light of nordicity, this doctoral thesis questions the existence, the modalities and the specificities of a supposed Scandinavian model which would show through the conservation policies. The demonstration suggests above all a reversal of the usual patterns of conservation: here, the city is not understood as a threat to nature; rather, it is questioned as a protective factor. In return, conservation can strengthen some urban functions and may even appear to be a leverage of metropolisation. By mobilizing different forms of observation and various materials, this work of social and political geography of the environment is also a wider epistemological reflection on the notions of city and nature and on the links they maintain. By confirming the necessary overcoming of the dualisms resulting from modernity, this dissertation questions the hybrid spatial forms produced by the introduction of protective regulations within metropolitan spaces. Thus, conservation may appear as a means of regulating urbanization, but it is above all a means of enhancing the value of certain urban spaces and, as such, it can often strengthen urbanity. Among the diversity of situations encountered, preserving the urbanity of natural spaces sometimes becomes the primary objective of protection. In short, some urban protected areas are more protected urban spaces. Conservation is ...

Through a geographical approach to urban protected areas, this doctoral dissertation proposes to consider conservation policies as production choices of metropolitan naturality. Based on the study of five northern European metropolises (Oslo, Gothenburg, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki) in four different national contexts (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland), it develops a reasoning on the foundations, practices and representations relating to spaces and spatialities of conservation. We do not propose a monographic compilation, and it is in a transversal and critical way that we invite to consider the protected space as an urban space in its own right. In the light of nordicity, this doctoral thesis questions the existence, the modalities and the specificities of a supposed Scandinavian model which would show through the conservation policies. The demonstration suggests above all a reversal of the usual patterns of conservation: here, the city is not understood as a threat to nature; rather, it is questioned as a protective factor. In return, conservation can strengthen some urban functions and may even appear to be a leverage of metropolisation. By mobilizing different forms of observation and various materials, this work of social and political geography of the environment is also a wider epistemological reflection on the notions of city and nature and on the links they maintain. By confirming the necessary overcoming of the dualisms resulting from modernity, this dissertation questions the hybrid spatial forms produced by the introduction of protective regulations within metropolitan spaces. Thus, conservation may appear as a means of regulating urbanization, but it is above all a means of enhancing the value of certain urban spaces and, as such, it can often strengthen urbanity. Among the diversity of situations encountered, preserving the urbanity of natural spaces sometimes becomes the primary objective of protection. In short, some urban protected areas are more protected urban spaces. Conservation is ...

Through a geographical approach to urban protected areas, this doctoral dissertation proposes to consider conservation policies as production choices of metropolitan naturality. Based on the study of five northern European metropolises (Oslo, Gothenburg, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki) in four different national contexts (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland), it develops a reasoning on the foundations, practices and representations relating to spaces and spatialities of conservation. We do not propose a monographic compilation, and it is in a transversal and critical way that we invite to consider the protected space as an urban space in its own right. In the light of nordicity, this doctoral thesis questions the existence, the modalities and the specificities of a supposed Scandinavian model which would show through the conservation policies. The demonstration suggests above all a reversal of the usual patterns of conservation: here, the city is not understood as a threat to nature; rather, it is questioned as a protective factor. In return, conservation can strengthen some urban functions and may even appear to be a leverage of metropolisation. By mobilizing different forms of observation and various materials, this work of social and political geography of the environment is also a wider epistemological reflection on the notions of city and nature and on the links they maintain. By confirming the necessary overcoming of the dualisms resulting from modernity, this dissertation questions the hybrid spatial forms produced by the introduction of protective regulations within metropolitan spaces. Thus, conservation may appear as a means of regulating urbanization, but it is above all a means of enhancing the value of certain urban spaces and, as such, it can often strengthen urbanity. Among the diversity of situations encountered, preserving the urbanity of natural spaces sometimes becomes the primary objective of protection. In short, some urban protected areas are more protected urban spaces. Conservation is ...

Through a geographical approach to urban protected areas, this doctoral dissertation proposes to consider conservation policies as production choices of metropolitan naturality. Based on the study of five northern European metropolises (Oslo, Gothenburg, Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki) in four different national contexts (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland), it develops a reasoning on the foundations, practices and representations relating to spaces and spatialities of conservation. We do not propose a monographic compilation, and it is in a transversal and critical way that we invite to consider the protected space as an urban space in its own right. In the light of nordicity, this doctoral thesis questions the existence, the modalities and the specificities of a supposed Scandinavian model which would show through the conservation policies. The demonstration suggests above all a reversal of the usual patterns of conservation: here, the city is not understood as a threat to nature; rather, it is questioned as a protective factor. In return, conservation can strengthen some urban functions and may even appear to be a leverage of metropolisation. By mobilizing different forms of observation and various materials, this work of social and political geography of the environment is also a wider epistemological reflection on the notions of city and nature and on the links they maintain. By confirming the necessary overcoming of the dualisms resulting from modernity, this dissertation questions the hybrid spatial forms produced by the introduction of protective regulations within metropolitan spaces. Thus, conservation may appear as a means of regulating urbanization, but it is above all a means of enhancing the value of certain urban spaces and, as such, it can often strengthen urbanity. Among the diversity of situations encountered, preserving the urbanity of natural spaces sometimes becomes the primary objective of protection. In short, some urban protected areas are more protected urban spaces. Conservation is ...

[Advantages and uncertainties of social cohesion in Norway] - Social cohesion stands out as a major element of the "Norwegian model". Norway can even be seen as a sort of laboratory where one can measure both the positive and the negative effects of such a priority and examine its components. The Norwegian social-democratic model - i.e. economical and social policies aiming at reinforcing social cohesion - is largely a product of the remarkable ethnic and cultural homogeneity that has historically characterized Norway. Though this political strategy has generated considerable achievements, it would appear to be in jeopardy today. This study will examine three main questions: considering international movements of people, is it possible to maintain ethnic and cultural homogeneity in a country with an open market? As Norway faces growing international competition, is there not a risk that the adverse effects of social homogeneity will supersede its advantages? Lastly, will oil revenues be enough to finance the continuation of this Norwegian model despite perturbations associated with globalization? ; La cohésion sociale apparaît comme une caractéristique fondamentale du " modèle norvégien ". Ce pays constitue même une sorte de laboratoire en la matière, permettant de mesurer les effets à la fois positifs et négatifs d'une telle priorité, mais également de s'interroger sur ses composantes. L'homogénéité ethnique et culturelle qui caractérise historiquement la Norvège est dans une large mesure à l'origine du modèle social-démocrate norvégien, c'est-à-dire de politiques économiques et sociales visant à renforcer la cohésion sociale. Si cette stratégie a permis à la Norvège d'obtenir des performances exceptionnelles, elle semble aujourd'hui menacée. Surgissent ici trois interrogations majeures que nous examinerons : les mouvements internationaux de population ne rendent-ils pas problématique le maintien d'une homogénéité ethnique et culturelle dans un pays qui se caractérise par une économie largement ouverte ? Alors ...

[Advantages and uncertainties of social cohesion in Norway] - Social cohesion stands out as a major element of the "Norwegian model". Norway can even be seen as a sort of laboratory where one can measure both the positive and the negative effects of such a priority and examine its components. The Norwegian social-democratic model - i.e. economical and social policies aiming at reinforcing social cohesion - is largely a product of the remarkable ethnic and cultural homogeneity that has historically characterized Norway. Though this political strategy has generated considerable achievements, it would appear to be in jeopardy today. This study will examine three main questions: considering international movements of people, is it possible to maintain ethnic and cultural homogeneity in a country with an open market? As Norway faces growing international competition, is there not a risk that the adverse effects of social homogeneity will supersede its advantages? Lastly, will oil revenues be enough to finance the continuation of this Norwegian model despite perturbations associated with globalization? ; La cohésion sociale apparaît comme une caractéristique fondamentale du " modèle norvégien ". Ce pays constitue même une sorte de laboratoire en la matière, permettant de mesurer les effets à la fois positifs et négatifs d'une telle priorité, mais également de s'interroger sur ses composantes. L'homogénéité ethnique et culturelle qui caractérise historiquement la Norvège est dans une large mesure à l'origine du modèle social-démocrate norvégien, c'est-à-dire de politiques économiques et sociales visant à renforcer la cohésion sociale. Si cette stratégie a permis à la Norvège d'obtenir des performances exceptionnelles, elle semble aujourd'hui menacée. Surgissent ici trois interrogations majeures que nous examinerons : les mouvements internationaux de population ne rendent-ils pas problématique le maintien d'une homogénéité ethnique et culturelle dans un pays qui se caractérise par une économie largement ouverte ? Alors ...

[Advantages and uncertainties of social cohesion in Norway] - Social cohesion stands out as a major element of the "Norwegian model". Norway can even be seen as a sort of laboratory where one can measure both the positive and the negative effects of such a priority and examine its components. The Norwegian social-democratic model - i.e. economical and social policies aiming at reinforcing social cohesion - is largely a product of the remarkable ethnic and cultural homogeneity that has historically characterized Norway. Though this political strategy has generated considerable achievements, it would appear to be in jeopardy today. This study will examine three main questions: considering international movements of people, is it possible to maintain ethnic and cultural homogeneity in a country with an open market? As Norway faces growing international competition, is there not a risk that the adverse effects of social homogeneity will supersede its advantages? Lastly, will oil revenues be enough to finance the continuation of this Norwegian model despite perturbations associated with globalization? ; La cohésion sociale apparaît comme une caractéristique fondamentale du " modèle norvégien ". Ce pays constitue même une sorte de laboratoire en la matière, permettant de mesurer les effets à la fois positifs et négatifs d'une telle priorité, mais également de s'interroger sur ses composantes. L'homogénéité ethnique et culturelle qui caractérise historiquement la Norvège est dans une large mesure à l'origine du modèle social-démocrate norvégien, c'est-à-dire de politiques économiques et sociales visant à renforcer la cohésion sociale. Si cette stratégie a permis à la Norvège d'obtenir des performances exceptionnelles, elle semble aujourd'hui menacée. Surgissent ici trois interrogations majeures que nous examinerons : les mouvements internationaux de population ne rendent-ils pas problématique le maintien d'une homogénéité ethnique et culturelle dans un pays qui se caractérise par une économie largement ouverte ? Alors ...

in the case of Norway, the article examines the link between the establishment of a welfare state, the concept of a "welfare society" and the development of Norwegian nationalism. He also mentioned the characteristics of the Norwegian model and the challenges it faced with the development of European economic and political integration. ; International audience ; in the case of Norway, the article examines the link between the establishment of a welfare state, the concept of a "welfare society" and the development of Norwegian nationalism. He also mentioned the characteristics of the Norwegian model and the challenges it faced with the development of European economic and political integration. ; L'article examine, dans le cas norvégien, le lien entre la mise en place d'un Etat providence, le concept de "société de bien-être" et le développement du nationalisme norvégien. Il évoque également les caractéristiques du modèle norvégien et les enjeux auxquels celui-ci doit faire face avec le développement de l'intégration économique et politique européenne.

In the three main Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway and Sweden), extreme and populist straight lines bring together parties and groups that are particularly diverse in their form and claims. Although there is a common ideological basis (patriotism, traditionalism, xenophobia, etc.), the glorification of national history is a recurring feature of their political discourse. The figure of the Viking here is a central place, although its representation and ideological function may vary from one movement to another. Based on the statements and publications of their actors, we will try to look at the relationship between myth viking and the definition of a national identity in these political trends, as well as its different manifestations. ; International audience In the three main Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway and Sweden), populist and extremist right-wing movements gather diversified parties and groups in their form and their claims. They may be characterized by a common ideological basis (patriotism, traditionalism, xenophobia.), but we can also state that the glorification of national history constitutes a recurring element of their political discourse. The figure of the Viking has thus a central place, although its representation and its ideological function may differ from a movement to another. In this paper, we will analyse speeches and publications of these political groups in order to examine the relation between the Viking myth and the definition of a national identity, as well as its different manifestations. ; In the three main Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway and Sweden), extreme and populist straight lines bring together parties and groups that are particularly diverse in their form and claims. Although there is a common ideological basis (patriotism, traditionalism, xenophobia, etc.), the glorification of national history is a recurring feature of their political discourse. The figure of the Viking here is a central place, although its representation and ideological function may ...

International audience ; The article tries to cast light on the specificities of the Norwegian nationalism in the second part of the 19th century. That theme is introduced through a description of the juridical and political events that led to independance in 1905. The article shows to what extent the Norwegian nationalism did not necessarily oppose a monarchic union with Sweden. However, all attempts to renew the juridical status of the union failed, as the Norwegians were against all changes that might reduce their autonomy. Eventually, the absence of any agreement concerning the foreign policy, which was monopolized by the Swedish government, was the ultimate event that explains the Norwegian secession. In the second part, the contribution gives an account of the diversity of cultural strategies that systematically integrated nationalism in their project: among them, a reformist project, whose views were quite consensual (national raomantics); on the other hand, radical projects, like the New Norwegian movement.

International audience ; The article tries to cast light on the specificities of the Norwegian nationalism in the second part of the 19th century. That theme is introduced through a description of the juridical and political events that led to independance in 1905. The article shows to what extent the Norwegian nationalism did not necessarily oppose a monarchic union with Sweden. However, all attempts to renew the juridical status of the union failed, as the Norwegians were against all changes that might reduce their autonomy. Eventually, the absence of any agreement concerning the foreign policy, which was monopolized by the Swedish government, was the ultimate event that explains the Norwegian secession. In the second part, the contribution gives an account of the diversity of cultural strategies that systematically integrated nationalism in their project: among them, a reformist project, whose views were quite consensual (national raomantics); on the other hand, radical projects, like the New Norwegian movement.