The EEA Review and Liechtenstein's Integration Strategy
In: CEPS Paperbacks, Forthcoming
19196 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: CEPS Paperbacks, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Marine policy, Band 36, Heft 5, S. 1086-1095
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift 110:1, 2008, 59–65.
SSRN
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 3, S. 387-412
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 315-332
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Marine policy, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 335-342
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, Band 12, Heft 3
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 335-364
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 734-752
ISSN: 1469-8129
In: Politische Studien: Magazin für Politik und Gesellschaft, Band 60, S. 127-141
ISSN: 0032-3462
In: Public management review, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 235-253
ISSN: 1471-9045
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 15, Heft 6
ISSN: 1460-3683
This article proposes a new model of government formation: the Dual Power Base Model. The starting point is the median voter theorem, but an institutional limitation suggested by Laver and Shepsle (2000) is added. The claim is that it takes a certain number of MPs to cope with the practical tasks of running a government -- that is, to have 'Office Capacity'. If the median party has Office Capacity, the model predicts that the median party will form the government. If the median party does not have Office Capacity the median party will choose the closest party or parties that do have Office Capacity. This model is applied most thoroughly to government formation in Denmark, but also to the Norwegian and Swedish cases. When party positions are measured by previous voting behaviour on bills in parliament, the model explains 23 out of 25 government formations in Denmark in the period 1953 to 2007. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 4, S. 645-678
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Journal of elections, public opinion and parties, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 183-202
ISSN: 1745-7297
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 7, Heft 3, S. 221-242
ISSN: 1581-5374
In the debate on governance structures, it is often assumed that traditional political and administrative institutions are 'hollowed-out' in favor of other actors at the international, national and local levels. But how valid is this assumption? By using a variant of the reputational method for studying power, local politicians in 30 Norwegian municipalities were asked to assess the power of other actors in different fields -- the local administration, central government, local media, local pressure and interest groups, and international institutions like the EU -- in relation to the perceived power of the political local council. The main conclusion is that three main actors are clearly perceived as more powerful than other actors: the local political council, the local administration and the state. Other actors were deemed much less influential, indicating that the power of local politicians may be rather large. Findings indicate that old hierarchical government structures seem still to be highly influential. In addition, the perceived power of local authorities varies across municipalities and within them. Implications for governance studies are discussed. Adapted from the source document.