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"For more than three hundred years, the world wrestled with conflicts that arose between nation-states. Nation-states wielded military force, financial pressure, and diplomatic persuasion to create "world order." Even after the end of the Cold War, the elements comprising world order remained essentially unchanged. But 2012 marked a transformation in geopolitics and the tactics of both the established powers and smaller entities looking to challenge the international community. That year, the US government revealed its involvement in Operation "Olympic Games," a mission aimed at disrupting the Iranian nuclear program through cyberattacks; Russia and China conducted massive cyber-espionage operations; and the world split over the governance of the Internet. Cyberspace became a battlefield. Cyber conflict is hard to track, often delivered by proxies, and has outcomes that are hard to gauge. It demands that the rules of engagement be completely reworked and all the old niceties of diplomacy be recast. Many of the critical resources of statecraft are now in the hands of the private sector, giant technology companies in particular. In this new world order, cybersecurity expert Adam Segal reveals, power has been well and truly hacked"--

By 1990, the first Cold War was ending. The Berlin Wall had fallen and the Warsaw Pact was crumbling; following Russia's lead, cries for democracy were being embraced by a young Chinese populace. The post-Cold War years were a time of immense hope and possibility. They heralded an opportunity for creative cooperation among nations, an end to ideological strife, perhaps even the beginning of a stable international order of liberal peace. But the days of optimism are over. As renowned international relations expert Michael Doyle makes hauntingly clear, we now face the devastating specter of a new Cold War, this time orbiting the trilateral axes of Russia, the United States, and China, and exacerbated by new weapons of cyber warfare and more insidious forms of propaganda. Such a conflict at this phase in our global history would have catastrophic repercussions, Doyle argues, stymieing global collaboration efforts that are key to reversing climate change, preventing the next pandemic, and securing nuclear nonproliferation. The recent, devastating invasion of Ukraine is both an example and an augur of the costs that lay in wait. However, there is hope. Putin is not Stalin, Xi is not Mao, and no autocrat is a modern Hitler. There is also an unprecedented level of shared global interest in prosperity and protecting the planet from environmental disaster. While it is unlikely that the United States, Russia, and China will ever establish a "warm peace," there are significant, reasonable compromises between nations that can lead to a détente. While the future remains very much in doubt, the elegant set of accords and non-subversion pacts Doyle proposes in this book may very well save the world.

Drones are transforming warfare through the use of artificial intelligence, drone swarms, and surveillance—leading to competition between the US, China, Israel, and Iran. Who will be the next drone superpower? In the battle for the streets of Mosul in Iraq, drones in the hands of ISIS terrorists made life hell for the Iraq army and civilians. Today, defense companies are racing to develop the lasers, microwave weapons, and technology necessary for confronting the next drone threat. Seth J. Frantzman takes the reader from the midnight exercises with Israel's elite drone warriors, to the CIA headquarters where new drone technology was once adopted in the 1990s to hunt Osama bin Laden. This rapidly expanding technology could be used to target nuclear power plants and pose a threat to civilian airports. In the Middle East, the US used a drone to kill Iranian arch-terrorist Qasem Soleimani, a key Iranian commander. Drones are transforming the battlefield from Syria to Libya and Yemen. For militaries and security agencies—the main users of expensive drones—the UAV market is expanding as well; there were more than 20,000 military drones in use by 2020. Once the province of only a few militaries, drones now being built in Turkey, China, Russia, and smaller countries like Taiwan may be joining the military drone market. It's big business, too—$100 billion will be spent over the next decade on drones. Militaries may soon be spending more on drones than tanks, much as navies transitioned away from giant vulnerable battleships to more agile ships. The future wars will be fought with drones and won by whoever has the most sophisticated technology.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Notes on contributors -- Introduction -- Part I The Israeli security prism -- 1 Free or fearful? Zionism's responses to Jewish insecurity -- 2 Israel's post-1948 security experience -- 3 The evolution and development of the IDF -- Part II Debating security -- 4 Neither Sparta nor Athens: Israeli public opinion on national security -- 5 Security issues as mirrored in the digital social media -- 6 Settlements and security: a debate -- 7 Keeping faith: religious Jewish perspectives on Israeli security -- 8 Israeli Arab perspectives on security -- 9 The Supreme Court as a forum for national security discourse -- 10 Security narratives in Israeli literature -- 11 Security narratives in Israeli dramatic arts -- Part III Framing security policy -- 12 National security decision-making -- 13 The dynamics of civil-military relations and the complexity of Israel's security policies -- 14 The diplomatic path to security -- 15 Negotiating Israeli security -- 16 The US-Israel security relationship -- 17 Israel's evolving relationship with American Jewry: a matter of national security -- Part IV Pursuing security -- 18 Israel's security model -- 19 Security, technology and cyber warfare -- 20 Towards a Middle East regional security regime? -- 21 Israel's expanding strategic horizons: finding extra-regional security partners -- 22 Weapon of last resort? The nuclear dimension -- Part V Augmenting security: costs and benefits -- 23 Building resilience: the public discourse -- 24 The civilian home front: in search of societal resilience -- 25 Women and the Israeli military culture -- 26 The economics of prioritizing security -- 27 Jewish, democratic and resilient? On competing visions of Israel -- Index.

Since the two Hague (Netherlands) multilateral peace conferences of 1899 and 1907, the fundamental issue of world peace and its long-term realization has engaged scholars, diplomats, statesmen, and students of international relations. This book presents a new endeavor in this direction through a collection of papers selected from the recent conferences of the Canadian Peace Research Association and independent scholars. Descriptive, analytical, constructive and balanced ideas and solutions in this text represent alternatives for the global community to be collectively secure and peaceful.This volume examines world peace in its foundational, descriptive, conceptual, and prescriptive aspects, and as a social and human concept in positive and negative contexts, including: the nonviolent perspective of peace; women theorists on peace and war; empowerment of women as peacemakers; and, peace research and education under siege. On violence and war, the topics included are the theory of violence, the new faces of war, including military robots, electromagnetic and information weapons, the cyber warfare and the militarization of neuroscience. In the area of case studies, Iran and nuclear deterrence, the Baha'i faith and Iran; the Western Sahara, Sudan and South Sudan, and the challenges of a Palestinian Nation are analysed. In addition, there is focus on the need to establish a Department of Peace in Canada and an attempt to seek establishment of world peace through direct democracy.This book will advance an understanding of the historic struggle and failures, as well as the accomplishments and shortcomings for peaceful change and a just world order. It will be of direct interest to students of political science, diplomacy, history, social science, international law, human rights, and other cognate disciplines.

From the earliest human records, warfare has been both an organizing focus and a prime source of political motivation. Countless battles have been fought in the course of colonizing the planet, and the experience has created a legacy of military confrontation that many people consider immutable. Since preparations for war and the occasional conduct of it have been central preoccupations for virtually all the major states throughout time, it is widely assumed that the pattern is rooted in human nature and will endure indefinitely. But contemporary civilization is undergoing a monumental transformation affecting its most basic features. The combined effects of information technology, population dynamics, and the globalization of economic activity are altering some of the critical operating conditions of human societies and appear to be inducing a new pattern of interaction. Correspondingly, fundamental changes in the practice of war-or what is now more politely called international security-can be expected to follow. Principles of Global Security anticipates the major implications of this massive transformation for security policy. John D. Steinbruner, one of the nation's leading specialists on defense issues, identifies formative problems and organizing principles relating to the predictable issues of security. He examines in sequence how the configuration of nuclear and conventional forces might be affected, how the problems of communal violence and dangers of technical proliferation might be managed, and how security relationships among the major states might be altered. One of the fundamental implications of globalization in a post-cold war environment is a shift in security policy from deterrence to reassurance, from active confrontation to cooperative engagement. Without an opponent to justify preparation for large-scale traditional missions,

"The United States' approach to China since the Communist regime in Beijing began the period of reform in the 1980s was based on a promise that trade and engagement with America would result in a peaceful, democratic state. Forty years later the hope of producing a benign People's Republic of China failed. The Communist Party of China deceived the West into believing that its system and the Party-ruled People's Liberation Army posed no threat. These misguided policies produced the emergence of a 21st Century Evil Empire more dangerous than a Cold War version in the Soviet Union. Successive American presidential administrations fooled by ill-advised pro-China policymakers, intelligence analysts and business leaders facilitated the rise not of a peaceful China but a threatening and expansionist nuclear-armed communist dictatorship focused on a single objective: Weakening and destroying the United States. Defeating the United States is the first step for China's rulers in achieving global supremacy under a new world order based on an ideology of Communism with Chinese characteristics. The process included technology theft of American companies that took place on a massive scale through cyber theft and unfair trade practices. The losses supported the largest and most significant buildup of the Chinese military that threatens American and allied interests around the world. The military threat is only half the danger as China aggressively pursues regional and international control using non-military force, including economic, cyber and space warfare and large-scale influence operations. Deceiving the Sky details the failure to understand the nature and activities of the dangers posed by China and what the United States can do in taking steps to counter the threats"--

The Middle East remains the most politically volatile and militarily unstable region in the world. It is also in relative terms the most heavily armed; and the influx of American, Soviet, French and other weaponry continues unabated. Moreover, the Arab-Israeli conflict invites competition in nuclear armaments. Accordingly a concern of public policy must be the promotion of strategic stability between potential adversaries and the imposition of effective restraints on the several interrelated arms races in the region. In the absence of negotiated solutions to existing disputes, or as a feature of future peace accords, arms-control measures could be of crucial importance in preventing the outbreak of war. Jabber explores the prospects for arms control in the specific contexts of the Arab-Israeli dispute and of military developments since the war of October 1973. Seeing lessons from history, and drawing on previously untapped materials, he includes a case-study of an actual Middle East arms-control system that was instituted by the United States, Great Britain, and France under the Tripartite Declaration of May 1950. Designed to prevent further warfare after the establishment of Israel by maintaining a stable balance of power through the rationing of arms supplies, this agreement was soon circumvented by its French sponsors, and it collapsed altogether following the emergence in 1955 of the Soviet Bloc as a major source of arms. After analyzing the Tripartite system--a unique experiment in coordinated, long-term, multilateral arms control on a regional level--Mr. Jabber defines the basic requirements for effective and curable international accords of this kind by exploring the relationships among the international arms trade, the purposes of arms control, and the political objectives and security interests of both suppliers and recipients of

1. Introduction -- Ethics of Family, Community and Childrearing -- 3. Power Dynamics in Nuclear and Extended Families: A Feminist Foucauldian Analysis -- 4. Abuses of Children (Labor and Witchcraft Accusations) -- 5. Praying for Husbands! Single Women Negotiating Faith and Patriarchy in Contemporary Kenya -- 6. The Meaning of Human Person in the African Context -- 7. Personhood in Africa -- 8. African Communal Ethics -- 9. Between Community and my Mother: A Theory of Agonistic Communitarianism -- 10. Pluralism and African Conflict: Towards a Yoruba Theory of African Political Ethics of Neighbourliness -- 11. Religion and Politics in Africa: An Assessment of Kwame Nkrumah's Legacy for Ghana -- 12. Ethics of Superpower and Civil War in Africa -- 13. When the Ancestors Wage War: Mystical Movements and the Ethics of War and Warfare -- 14. State and Society: A Comparative Perspective -- 15. Political Ethics of Kwame Nkrumah -- 16. Political Ethics of Leopold Senghor -- 17. Political Ethics of Franz Fanon -- 18. Spirit/Religion and Ethics in African Economies -- 19. Corruption, Nepotism, and Anti-Bureaucratic Behaviours -- 20. The Bretton Woods Institutions and Economic Development in Africa -- 21. The Ethics of State Capture: Dangote and the Nigerian State -- 22. Religion, Media and Ethics in Africa -- 23. Ethical Benchmarks in Life and Art of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti -- 24. Ethical Thought of Kwasi Wiredu and Kwame Gyekye -- 25. Ethical Thought of Paulin Hountondji -- 26. Strangers and Patriots: Anthony Appiah and the Ethics of Identity -- 27. Ritual Archives -- 28. The Role of Religious Practitioners in Sustaining Morality -- 29. Religion and Social Justice in Africa -- 30. The Spirit Names the Child: Pentecostal Names and Trans-Ethics -- 31. African Environmental Ethics -- 32. Ethical Thought of Archbishop Desmond Tutu: Ubuntu and Tutu's Moral Modelling as Transformation and Renewal -- 33. "Reminders of What Once Was": Ethics of Mercy Oduyoye .

Traditionally, Americans haveviewed war as an alternative to diplomacy, and military strategy as the science of victory. Today, however, in our world of nuclear weapons, military power is not so much exercised as threatened. It is, Mr. Schelling says, bargaining power, and the exploitation of this power, for good or evil, to preserve peace or to threaten war, is diplomacy—the diplomacy of violence. The author concentrates in this book on the way in which military capabilities—real or imagined—are used, skillfully or clumsily, as bargaining power. He sees the steps taken by the U.S. during the Berlin and Cuban crises as not merely preparations for engagement, but as signals to an enemy, with reports from the adversary's own military intelligence as our most important diplomatic communications. Even the bombing of North Vietnam, Mr. Schelling points out, is as much coercive as tactical, aimed at decisions as much as bridges. He carries forward the analysis so brilliantly begun in his earlier The Strategy of Conflict (1960) and Strategy and Arms Control (with Morton Halperin, 1961), and makes a significant contribution to the growing literature on modern war and diplomacy. Stimson Lectures.Mr. Schelling is professor of economics at Harvard and acting director of Harvard's Center for International Affairs."An exemplary text on the interplay of national purpose and military force."—Book Week. "A grim but carefully reasoned and coldly analytical book. . . . One of the most frightening previews which this reviewer has ever seen of the roads that lie just ahead in warfare."—Los Angeles Times. "A brilliant and hardheaded book. It will frighten those who prefer not to dwell on the unthinkable and infuriate those who have taken refuge in the stereotypes and moral attitudinizing."—New York Times Book Review

New Cold Wars - the latest from the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and bestselling author of The Perfect Weapon David E. Sanger - is a fast-paced account of America's plunge into simultaneous confrontations with two very different adversaries. For years, the United States was confident that the newly democratic Russia and increasingly wealthy China could be lured into a Western-led order that promised prosperity and relative peace - so long as they agreed to Washington's terms. By the time America emerged from the age of terrorism, it was clear that this had been a fantasy. Now the three powers are engaged in a high-stakes struggle for military, economic, political, and technological supremacy, with nations around the world pressured to take sides. Yet all three are discovering that they are maneuvering for influence in a far more turbulent world than they imagined. Based on a remarkable array of interviews with top officials from five presidential administrations, U.S. intelligence agencies, foreign governments, and tech companies, Sanger unfolds a riveting narrative spun around the era's critical questions: Will the mistakes Putin made in his invasion of Ukraine prove his undoing and will he reach for his nuclear arsenal - or will the West's famously short attention span signal Kyiv's doom? Will Xi invade Taiwan? Will both men deepen their partnership to undercut America's dominance? And can a politically dysfunctional America still lead the world? Taking readers from the battlefields of Ukraine - where trench warfare and cyberwarfare are interwoven - to the Taiwan headquarters where the world's most advanced computer chips are produced and on to tense debates in the White House Situation Room, New Cold Wars is a remarkable first-draft history chronicling America's return to superpower conflict, the choices that lie ahead, and what is at stake for the United States and the world.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Preface -- PART 1: THE CLANDESTINE AGENCIES -- 1 The security scandal that the US hid from the newborn ASIO -- 2 ASIO struggles with change -- 3 An information gatherer mutates into a secret police agency -- 4 ASIS: The government agency you pay to break the law -- 5 ASD/NSA: The Five Eyes club shows the Stasi how it's done -- 6 The uses and abuses of intelligence -- PART 2: AN IDEAL PLACE FOR DANGEROUS TESTS AND DANGEROUS BASES -- 7 Medical support for trials to keep the Asian hordes at bay -- 8 The best place to test the deadliest nerve agents -- 9 Fighting the good fight against chemical and biological warfare -- 10 Menzies' gift -- 11 The deceptively named minor trials -- 12 British perfidy, Australian timidity -- 13 The struggle to reveal Maralinga's malign secrets -- 14 A wise mandarin ignores leaks -- 15 How Australia joined the nuclear war club -- 16 Dangerous advice from ignorant Australian officials -- 17 Bluster and belligerence -- 18 North West Cape: More dangerous than ever -- 19 The man who thought he owned the secrets -- 20 The man who thought he owned a prime minister -- 21 The men who spread the fairytale about arms control -- 22 The men seduced by the secrets -- PART 3: ANZUS: THE TREATY WITHOUT A SECURITY GUARANTEE -- 23 The difficult birth and early years of a treaty -- 24 Foreign bases and foreign political interference -- 25 Enduring faith in a guarantee that doesn't exist -- 26 How New Zealand has survived without ANZUS -- 27 The lonely death of a good policy -- 28 What to do about a bellicose ally -- PART 4: THE WHITLAM ERA -- 29 The irrational US hatred of Whitlam -- 30 Punishing an innocent ally -- 31 Fraser's narrow escape -- 32 Some distinguished gentlemen from the CIA -- 33 Embracing ignorance.