THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE ROLE MORAL ARGUMENTS HAVE PLAYED IN SHAPING ASYLUM LEGISLATION IN GERMANY, GREAT BRITAIN AND SWITZERLAND OVER THE PAST TWO DECADES. CONTRARY TO EXPECTATIONS FROM THE ASYLUM LITERATURE, PARLIAMENTARIANS USE MORAL ARGUMENTS NOT ONLY TO SUPPORT LOOSER ASYLUM LAWS, BUT ALSO TO SUPPORT TIGHTER ONES. FURTHERMORE, WHILE MORAL ARGUMENTS CERTAINLY PLAYED A ROLE IN THESE ASYLUM DEBATES, THEY FACED A NUMBER OF LIMITATIONS.
Two thrusts in current debates regarding the nature of communication for the human species permeate virtually every discourse, whether applied to the expanding Internet, communication technologies, journalism practice, community discourse, or the creation of public spheres. In the structural thrust, human beings & their communication worlds are enslaved, & the public sphere is nothing but a pawn of that enslavement, which is increasingly controlled by capital, in particular, transnational corporations. For those writing in this thrust, hopes for the future are few. The postmodern thrust points toward human freedom, resistance, & the capacity to transcend even the most enslaving of conditions, to create rapture, bliss, & pleasure in virtually all situations. For those writing in this thrust, nothing is ever totally inscribed. The new communication technologies, in particular, the World Wide Web, are seen as sites of great hope, of emerging natural communities where like-minded people find each other & create moments of community, pleasure, & cooperation. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
ONE OF THE FUNDAMENTAL PROBLEMS IN ADDRESSING THE PHENOMENON OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM IS THAT, DESPITE A PLETHORA OF SCHOLARLY WORK AND MORE THAN THIRTY YEARS OF INTER-GOVERNMENTAL DISCOURSE, THERE IS STILL NO COMMONLY ACCEPTED DEFINITION OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM. EXISTING DEFINITIONS TEND TO FALL INTO TWO BROAD CATEGORIES, ACADEMIC AND POLITICAL. CONTEMPORARY ACADEMIC DEFINITIONS OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM ARE PRIMARILY DESIGNED TO FIT INCIDENTS INTO VARIOUS STATISTICAL MODELS. THEY ARE OFTEN LENGTHY, OVER-COMPLICATED AND DEFY COMMON USAGE. GOVERNMENTAL DEFINITIONS OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM TEND TO BE AMBIGUOUS TO ALLOW THE MOST POLITICALLY CONVENIENT INTERPRETATION OF EVENTS. THIS PAPER TAKES A PRAGMATIC LOOK AT THE ONGOING DEFINITIONAL DILEMMA IN THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM. DRAWING UPON BOTH SIDES OF THE DEFINITIONAL SPECTRUM, IT CHARTS A MIDDLE COURSE ARGUING FOR A MORE LUCID AND FUNCTIONAL DEFINITION OF TERRORISM BASED ON PRIMARY CHARACTERISTICS WHICH DISTINGUISH INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM FROM OTHER TYPES OF VIOLENCE.
DURING THE PAST THREE DECADES CANADA HAS EXPERIENCED FOUR PERIODS OF MAJOR CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS, EACH OF WHICH HAS INVOLVED INTENSE AND CONTENTIOUS DELIBERATIONS AND DEBATE OVER RESTRUCTURING THE FEDERATION. THESE RESULTED IN ONLY PARTIAL SUCCESS IN 1982 AND TOTAL FAILURE IN THE OTHERS. IN MOST CASES THE PERIODS OF CRISIS HAVE BEEN FOLLOWED BY PERIODS OF EXHAUSTED QUIESCENCE BEFORE THE FUNDAMENTAL STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS OF THE FEDERATION HAVE LED ONCE MORE TO ANOTHER EFFORT TO ACHIEVE COMPREHENSIVE CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE. THE EXPLANATION OF THESE REPEATED CRISES CANNOT BE ATTRIBUTED TO ONE SINGLE FACTOR BUT RATHER TO A NUMBER OF ACTORS SIMULTANEOUSLY REINFORCING EACH OTHER, AND TO THE DIFFICULTIES OF ATTEMPTING COMPREHENSIVE RATHER THAN INCREMENTAL CONSTITUTIONAL RESTRUCTURING WHERE SO MANY VARIED INTEREST HAVE TO BE RECONCILED AT THE SAME TIME IN A PROCESS INVOLVING PUBLIC PARTICIPATION.
STUDENTS OF POLITICAL DEBATING IN BOTH CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES HAVE GENERALLY CONCLUDED THAT NATIONAL DEBATES DO LITTLE MORE THAN REINFORCE VIEWERS' PRIOR PREFERENCES. THIS ARTICLE CONSIDERS THE CANADIAN LEADERSHIP DEBATES OF 1984, AND ASKS TWO MAJOR QUESTIONS. FIRST, WOULD THE PRESENCE OF RELATIVELY UNKNOWN PARTY LEADERS MAKE THESE DEBATES MORE INFLUENTIAL THAN EXPECTED? SECOND, WOULD THE FRENCH-LANGUAGE DEBATE HAVE SPECIAL EFFECTS ON FRENCH CANADIANS? THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES BY CONSIDERING THE IMPORTANCE OF THESE FINDINGS.
THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO GIVE AN OVERVIEW OF THE DEBATE AND ISSUES PERTAINING TO FLEXIBLE INTEGRATION IN THE 1996 IGC. IN ORDER TO MEET THIS AIM, THE ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO ANSWER THREE QUESTIONS: (1) HOW HAS THE POLITICAL AND ACADEMIC DEBATE ON FLEXIBILITY EVOLVED? (2) WHAT ARE THE MAIN EXAMPLES OF FLEXIBILITY BOTH INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE EU? (3) HOW COULD FLEXIBILITY BE MANAGED WITHIN THE UNION'S FRAMEWORK? THE ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THE DEBATE ON FLEXIBILITY HAS EMERGED MAINLY FOR TWO REASONS: FIRST, TO COPE WITH THE RELUCTANCE OF SOME OF THE CURRENT MEMBER STATES TO PURSUE DEEPER INTEGRATION AND, SECOND, TO MANAGE ENLARGEMENT. IT IS ALSO SUGGESTED THAT FLEXIBILITY IS THE SINGLE MOST IMPORTANT POLITICO-INSTITUTIONAL ISSUE OF THE 1996 IGC. HENCE, AN ESSENTIAL TASK FOR THE IGC IS TO FIND WAYS AND MEANS TO MANAGE FLEXIBILITY. IT IS SUGGESTED THAT THE PRINCIPLE OF FLEXIBILITY COULD BE ARTICULATED IN THE TREATIES IN THE FORM OF A GENERAL CLAUSE ACCOMPANIED BY SEPARATE PROVISIONS SPECIFIC TO CLOSER CO-OPERATION WITHIN EACH PILLAR. IN ADDITION, TEN CONDITIONS FOR THE COHERENT MANAGEMENT OF FLEXIBILITY ARE EXAMINED.
THE AUTHOR TRACES THE EVOLUTION OF DEBATES AS A SIGNIFICANT ELEMENT IN THE STRATEGY OF ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN A NUMBER OF COUNTRIES. ANALYZING SURVEY DATA FROM TWO CANADIAN CASES, HE FINDS THAT THE EFFECTS OF DEBATES ON INDIVIDUAL VOTING BEHAVIOR ARE PRIMARILY REINFORCING, BUT DEBATES HAVE NEVERTHELESS GROWN CONSIDERABLY IN IMPORTANCE IN STRATEGIC DECISION MAKING BY PARTIES AND CANDIDATES.
