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The 1959 and 1970 published Soviet censuses list several hundred categories of occupations. Yet far more types of employment exist than are indicated by this number of categories. TheDictionary of Occupational Titlespublished by the U.S. Department of Labor, for example, is composed of approximately 20,000 jobs. The sparsity of categories in any census is a product of the lengthy process in which (1) specific questions regarding employment are designed; (2) respondents interpret the questions and either answer or fail to answer them; (3) answers are coded into specific occupational categories; and (4) these categories are selected and sometimes grouped together for the purpose of the actual census publications. The selection and grouping of categories are of primary concern since here, as at earlier stages, the potential exists for deliberate or inadvertent distortions and for the compromise of the detail and precision of the census.

The correlation between the NORC prestige scale of 1947 with 1950 suicide rates is extremely low for thirty‐six specific occupations. The low correlation calls into question the findings of previous studies which employed gross occupational categories and impressionistic prestige rankings. The results indicate that client dependency and two multivariate models, status inconsistency and distributive justice, deserve further exploration in predicting suicide rates for occupations.

SYMTHESIZES OPINION POL DATA AND GEOGRAPHICAL ELECTORAL DATA TO ESTABLISH RELATIONSHIP IN VOTING BEHAVIOR BETWEEN SOCIO-OCCUPATINAL CATEGORIES AND POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE "DEPARTEMENT" IN FRANCE, QUESTIONS DISTINCTIONS ASSUMED TO EXIST BETWEEN COLLECTIVE AND INDIVIDUAL OPINIONS, CITES IMPLICATIONS FOR METHODOLGY.

This paper presents a theory concerning work-role centrality and its relationship with a number of variables related to the individual's background, orientation, role strains, job rewards, and career characteristics. It is examined empiricallyfor seven occupational categories in Israel. Occupations are found to vary in their work-role centrality and in the variables hypothesized to relate to it, and the general validity of our model is supported by the results. Stepwise multiple regressions of the independent variables upon work-role centrality explained between 30 and 70% of the variance within the occupational categories. Job reward variables, especially intrinsic rewards, have strongest explanatory weight, but in each occupational category a somewhat different configuration of independent variables emerges.

Gegenstand der vorgelegten Beiträge sind Situation und Geschichte wichtiger "Qualifikationstypen" der DDR und ihre Transformation im Gefolge des Transfers des marktwirtschaftlichen Systems nach Ostdeutschland. Diese Qualifikationstypen werden als Produkt zentraler gesellschaftlicher Strukturen wie Arbeitsmarkt, Bildungswesen, Gesundheitswesen, Altersversorgung und Beschäftigungssystem verstanden. Die untersuchten Berufsgruppen liegen außerhalb der Arbeiterklasse, waren jedoch für die Systemstabilität der DDR von großer Bedeutung. Sie umfassen die Berufsgruppen der Fachschulingenieure, der Techniker, der VE-Meister und der kaufmännischen Fachkräfte. Abschließend wird ein Resümee der Fallstudien in Hinblick auf Charakteristika und Mechanismen des Transformationsprozesses gezogen. (ICE2)

This article develops a new explorative method for deriving social class categories from patterns of occupational mobility. In line with Max Weber, our research is based on the notion that, if class boundaries do not inhibit social mobility then the class categories are of little value. Thus, unlike dominant, theoretically defined class schemes, this article derives social class categories from observed patterns in a mobility network covering intra-generational mobility. The network is based on a mobility table of 109 occupational categories tied together by 1,590,834 job shifts on the Danish labour market 2001–2007. The number of categories are reduced from 109 to 34 by applying a new clustering algorithm specifically designed for the study of mobility tables (MONECA). These intra-generational social class categories are related to the central discussions of gender, income, education and political action by providing empirical evidence of strong patterns of intra-generational class divisions along these lines.

This article develops a new explorative method for deriving social class categories from patterns of occupational mobility. In line with Max Weber, our research is based on the notion that, if class boundaries do not inhibit social mobility then the class categories are of little value. Thus, unlike dominant, theoretically defined class schemes, this article derives social class categories from observed patterns in a mobility network covering intra-generational mobility. The network is based on a mobility table of 109 occupational categories tied together by 1,590,834 job shifts on the Danish labour market 2001–2007. The number of categories are reduced from 109 to 34 by applying a new clustering algorithm specifically designed for the study of mobility tables (MONECA). These intra-generational social class categories are related to the central discussions of gender, income, education and political action by providing empirical evidence of strong patterns of intra-generational class divisions along these lines.

In this article, I present a portrait of the American power elite and their relationship with the party system. I focus on occupational categories as institutional positions and take up three questions: Which occupational categories wield social influence? How politically mobilized is each of these occupational categories? And what partisan tilt is exhibited by each category? My results help clarify the contemporary structure of American electoral competition. Furthermore, they also shed light on which social groups have a voice in American politics and, thus, speak to questions of political equality.

In 1971, economist Barbara Bergmann developed the "occupational crowding model," which posited that black men are "crowded into" low-wage occupations and "crowded out" of high-wage occupations due to employer discrimination. In quantitative analyses I have conducted for the years 2010 through 2011, the results have yielded a different picture from what Bergmann's model predicts: although African American men are underrepresented in high-wage occupations, consistent with her model, this group does not appear to be overrepresented in low-wage occupational categories when the level of analysis is between major low-wage occupational categories instead of within categories. I attribute this to demographic changes in the US labor force, and conclude by suggesting that the model now requires further specification. JEL Codes: J15, J62, J71