Involvement in the project of foreign experts on the "One Belt, One Road" initiative of the Renmin University of China has provided an opportunity to comprehend how and for what purpose information is formed on the initiative of Chinese President Xi Jinping, as well as the role of the mass media in the formation of a positive image of the proposed initiative. The study deals with the information component of the initiative of the People's Republic of China in the framework of the vector focused on the Russian Federation. More than five years have passed since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced in Astana, Kazakhstan a new Chinese initiative called "One Belt, One Road". From the reports of various Chinese agencies, it follows that the initiative of the People's Republic of China is quite successfully implemented in all areas. The forums held in Beijing in 2018 and 2019 showed that the main emphasis was made on the image component of the "One Belt, One Road" concept, which was a demonstration of the increased role of China as an independent center of power. According to some Chinese scientists, China no longer denies its desire to become a leader in the current world order. Moreover, while until recently China has been limited to economic domination, today its influence extends into the (geo) political sphere.
An Comprehensive Strategic Alliance today defines the general framework of Spain-China relations. In the European Union, Spain is one of the closest countries to China. The high political harmony has not served much to deepen economic and trade exchanges, although they have improved in recent years despite the persistence of a chronic deficit. The mutual ignorance is disappear at the same time that the educational and cultural relations are strengthened. With the One Belt One Road, Spain and China have the opportunity to start a new era in their bilateral relationship. ; Una alianza estratégica integral define hoy el marco general de las relaciones España-China. En la Unión Europea, España ejerce como uno de los países más cercanos a China. La elevada sintonía política no ha servido de mucho para profundizar los intercambios económicos y comerciales, si bien han mejorado en los últimos años a pesar de persistir un déficit crónico. El mutuo desconocimiento se va disipando a la par que se afianzan las relaciones educativas y culturales. Con la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta, España y China tienen la oportunidad de iniciar una nueva era en su relación bilateral.
Using travelers' diaries and documents from the period as sources, the article presents the main war roads during the XIXth century. It emphasizes in their role as battle theaters and sources of economic and social capital. In an agrarian society as that of the XIXth century, roads represented territorial stri pes of geostrategic importance for battles. Political power sources and war spaces were located near such roads. In a time when war was mainly a war of positions, roads bordered not only economic structures, but also the geography of war. Special attention is given to the roads crossing the region of Valle and Cañón del Cauca delimited by Popayán's high prairies and Batolito Antioqueño. The aforementioned region became a space containing warlike processes: Not only one of the most progressive economies of the nation was located there but also a war geohistoric space crisscrossed by a set of roads that facilitated the movement of armed actors through all of the national territory. ; Utilizando como fuentes las memorias de los viajeros y documentos de la época, el artículo presenta los princi pales caminos de la guerra durante el siglo XIX. Hace énfasis en su papel como teatro de los enfrenamientos armados y fuente de recursos económicos y sociales. En una sociedad agraria como la del siglo XIX, los caminos demarcaban franjas territoriales de la mayor importancia geoestratégica para las luchas armadas. En sus cercanías estaban situadas las fuentes del poder económico y político y los espacios de la guerra. En una época donde la guerra era ante todo una guerra de posiciones, los caminos demarcaban no sólo las estructuras económicas, sino también las geografías de la guerra. En el escrito se presta especial atención a las vías que atravesaban la región del Valle y Cañón del Cauca, delimitada por el alti plano de Popayán y el batolito antioqueño. Dicha región se fue conformando como una estructura espacial contenedora de los procesos bélicos: allí no sólo se encontraba una de las economías más dinámicas de la nación sino también un espacio geohistórico de la guerra atravesado por un conjunto de caminos que posibilitaba el desplazamiento de los actores armados por los puntos cardinales de la República.
Both geographical ends of continental Eurasia, i.e. the European Union and China, are trying to spread their respective influence toward each other, as well as the rest of the Eurasian countries. However, the results differ, and therefore the asymmetries between both sides increase. Hence, the EU's TRACECA is undertaking a great task, but only thirteen countries have joined the project, whereas China's New Silk Road, officially named the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) holds one hundred and thirty one countries and thirty international organizations. China is developing a more comprehensive interconnectivity strategy, both politically, with the support of the 16+1 and the Southern Europe Initiatives, as well as financially, with the rise of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. The result is that China is not only tightening its links with the countries along the routes toward the EU, but is also strengthening its influence over the European Union, especially Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) as well as Southern Europe. The reason for these asymmetries is not only China's strength, but also the lack of cohesion of the EU. In this article we analyze the relationships between BRI and the cohesion of the EU. ; Ambos extremos geográficos de Eurasia continental (la Unión Europea y China) prolongan sus mutuas influencias, así como sobre todo el territorio existente entre ambos. Sin embargo, los resultados obtenidos aumentan las asimetrías preexistentes entre ambas partes. Así, la iniciativa europea TRACECA asume un reto considerable, pero solo trece países se han sumado al proyecto. Por su parte, el proyecto auspiciado por China, la iniciativa llamada Franja y Ruta (nueva ruta de la seda), comprende ciento treinta y un países y treinta organizaciones internacionales. China desarrolla pues una estrategia de interconectividad más amplia, tanto desde el punto de vista político como financiero, con el establecimiento del Banco Asiático de Inversión e Infraestructuras. El resultado no es solo que China esté reforzando sus lazos con aquellos países situados a lo largo de la ruta hacia la UE, sino que además está aumentando su influencia sobre la Unión Europea, especialmente sobre los Estados de la Europa central, oriental (PECOS) y del sur. La razón de esta asimetría no es solo la pujanza de China, sino también la falta de cohesión de la UE. En este artículo analizamos la BRI y sus efectos sobre la cohesión de la UE.
China y los países vecinos han incursionado en uno de los proyectos de infraestructura más importantes de la historia. Se trata de la iniciativa Una franja Una Ruta, también conocida como la Ruta de la Seda. Su propósito es incrementar y hacer más eficiente el comercio en la región de Asia, Eurasia, África y Europa. Además, existe evidencia que sugiere que China está realizando intentos por mejorar su relación comercial con países de América Latina y el Caribe. El caso de México es interesante ya que su estrecha relación comercial con Estados Unidos y la falta de complementariedad con el mercado chino lleva a que la Ruta de la Seda sea de poco interés para el gobierno mexicano. ; China and its neighbors have started one of the most important infrastructure projects in history. This is called the One Road One Belt initiative, also known as the Silk Road. Its purpose is to increase commerce and making its operations more efficient in Asia, Eurasia, Africa, and Europe. Additionally, there is evidence that suggests that China is trying to improve its trade relationship with Latin American and Caribbean countries. The case of Mexico is interesting because its strong commercial ties to the United States and lack of complementarity with the Chinese market makes the Silk Road initiative of little interest to the Mexican government.
:China and its neighbors have started one of the most important infrastructure projects in history. This is called the One Road One Belt initiative, also known as the Silk Road. Its purpose is to increase commerce and making its operations more efficient in Asia, Eurasia, Africa, and Europe. Additionally, there is evidence that suggests that China is trying to improve its trade relationship with Latin American and Caribbean countries. The case of Mexico is interesting because its strong commercial ties to the United States and lack of complementarity with the Chinese market makes the Silk Road initiative of little interest to the Mexican government. ; https://doi.org/10.46377/dilemas.v8i1.2427
The region of Central Asia, consisting in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, is a geo-strategic area quite interesting to the great powers. Russia provides them security cooperation in the intent to ensure regional stability. On the other hand, China promotes relations with them based on investment and trade. Under the neorealist paradigm, this article identifies the application of Nye's (2009) smart power strategies by China and Russia in Central Asia. In this context, this document provides a comparative analysis of the power strategies to finally conclude that despite Russia has been shown historically as the dominant power in the region, that directs the political and military cooperation, China could be seen as the creator of an effective smart power strategy based on the commercial cooperation. ; La región de Asia Central que comprende Kazajistán, Uzbekistán, Turkmenistán, Tayikistán y Kirguistán resulta un área geoestratégica de interés para grandes potencias. Rusia provee cooperación en seguridad con la idea de garantizar la estabilidad regional; China por su parte, promueve sus relaciones basadas en comercio e inversión. Bajo el paradigma neorrealista, el presente artículo identifica la aplicación de estrategias de smart power de Nye (2009) por parte de China y Rusia en Asia Central. En este contexto, el documento presenta un análisis comparativo de las estrategias de poder, donde se concluye que si bien, históricamente Rusia se muestra como la potencia dominante en la región al orientar la cooperación política y militar, China podría considerarse el hacedor de una estrategia de smart power efectiva por medio de cooperación comercial.
The article analyzes the characteristics of the legal regulation of road safety in different countries of the world. In addition, current issues in the field of road safety are revealed, which can be conditionally divided into several groups. Such issues include legal regulation; the structural organization of legal regulation: personnel, material, technical and financial support. The key directions of the state policy of different countries of the world in the field of ensuring road safety are identified, as well as new principles for the formation of criteria to guarantee road safety. It analyses the positive experience of some countries in the field of road safety. In particular, the experience of China, Japan, and some European countries in the field of ensuring road safety could be considered by other countries at the same time as the legal regulation of road safety. It is concluded that, to improve the efficiency of the legal regulation of road safety, a systematic approach is required, including the development of objective indicators, the use of systematic and evidence-based measures aimed at preventing road accidents and reducing the severity of their consequences.
La Ordenanza de Libre Competencia de Hong Kong proporciona un marco de legislación de competencia que es más propicio para los inversores extranjeros que China Continental. Esto es esencial porque el marco normativo de regulación de la competencia en Hong Kong tiene características más comunes con la legislación occidental. Lo anterior es complementado si se revisa la historia social, económica, jurídica y política de Hong Kong como consecuencia de la influencia del Reino Unido. En ese sentido, los inversores occidentales en el extranjero van a buscar un marco de regulación de Libre Competencia que le proporcione reglas claras, abiertas y generales. ; Hong Kong´s Competition Ordinance provides a framework of competition legislation that is more conducive to foreign investors than Mainland China. This is essential because HK´s regulatory framework of competition regulation has more common characteristics with western legislation, but also because of HK´s social, economic, legal and political history as a consequence of the United Kingdom influence. In that sense, western-foreign investors will look for a competition framework that provides clear, open and general rules.
Delage, F.: The new context of Chinese foreign policy. - S. 27-31 Bustelo, P.: China's economic boom and its international impact. - S. 32-38 Sutter, R. G.: China's rise and the durability of US leadership in Asia. - S. 39-43 Wang Jisi: China's road to peaceful development and the United States. - S. 44-47
EU-China economic relations are one of the most significant bilateral economic relations in the world. The two sides have gone through more than 40 years together from building diplomatic relations to the present comprehensive strategic partnership. This process cannot be separated from the development of China and the continuous integration of the EU. China has grown from an initially poor and backward developing country to an emerging economy with rising economic and political influence. The EU has experienced several expansions, becoming the most integrated regional organization in the world, from nine member states in the beginning to 28 member states now. The achievements of EU-China cooperation today are not achieved overnight, but a long-term gradual and cumulative process. Therefore, the article reviews the course of China's opening up and the development of the EU, especially focuses on the change of EU and China's foreign trade policies over the time. At the same time, it analyzes almost all the important EU policy documents on China and China's policy documents on the EU. These important documents are some road signs for us to understand why EU-China relations evolved this way, so that we can clearly see the cognitive renewal and adjustment of both sides in the process of interaction. Then, after reviewing the evolution of China-EU economic ties in three stages and analyzing some restrictive factors of current economic and commercial cooperation between EU and China, the article concludes that EU-China economic relations have come to a new stage and it will maintain the coexistence of cooperation and competition for a long time. Therefore, the two parties need to strengthen dialogue and communication, constructively handle the differences. ; Facultad de Ciencias de la Empresa ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena
The term globalization is probably one of the most controversial, ambiguous and ubiquitous of the contemporary political discourse. Nevertheless, the present article starts both from this concept and from a discussion regarding the "spatial" and " temporal" components required by its application. The People's Republic of China (PRC) initiative "The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road" represent, to a great extent, a direct challenge to neoliberal globalization and an interconnection proposal that emerges as a regional initiative and expands as China's global project, reconfiguring the economic geography through unprecedented massive investments in infrastructure. The purpose of our article is to analyze this process, the PRC's role and the implications in: 1) global geopolitics, considering the opening of new maritime and land transport routes (corridors); 2) the institutional transformations of global economic governance, and 3) the relevance of the Global South and the emerging powers. ; El término globalización quizás sea uno de los más controvertidos, ambiguos y ubicuos del discurso político contemporáneo. No obstante eso, nuestro trabajo parte de ese concepto y de una discusión en torno a los componentes 'espacial' y 'temporal' que su utilización implica. La iniciativa de la República Popular da China (RPC) de la "Franja económica de la Ruta de la Seda y la Ruta de la Seda marítima de Siglo XXI" representa, en gran medida, un desafío directo a la globalización neoliberal y una propuesta de interconectividad que surge como iniciativa regional y se expande como proyecto global de China, reconfigurando la geografía económica por medio de masivas inversiones en infraestructura que no tienen precedente. El objetivo de nuestro artículo es analizar este proceso, el rol de la RPC y las implicaciones en: 1) la geopolítica global, con la abertura de nuevas rutas de transporte marítimos y terrestres (corredores), 2) las transformaciones institucionales de la gobernanza económica global, y 3) la importancia para el Sur Global y las potencias emergentes.
The term globalization is probably one of the most controversial, ambiguous and ubiquitous of the contemporary political discourse. Nevertheless, the present article starts both from this concept and from a discussion regarding the "spatial" and " temporal" components required by its application. The People's Republic of China (PRC) initiative "The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road" represent, to a great extent, a direct challenge to neoliberal globalization and an interconnection proposal that emerges as a regional initiative and expands as China's global project, reconfiguring the economic geography through unprecedented massive investments in infrastructure. The purpose of our article is to analyze this process, the PRC's role and the implications in: 1) global geopolitics, considering the opening of new maritime and land transport routes (corridors); 2) the institutional transformations of global economic governance, and 3) the relevance of the Global South and the emerging powers. ; El término globalización quizás sea uno de los más controvertidos, ambiguos y ubicuos del discurso político contemporáneo. No obstante eso, nuestro trabajo parte de ese concepto y de una discusión en torno a los componentes 'espacial' y 'temporal' que su utilización implica. La iniciativa de la República Popular da China (RPC) de la "Franja económica de la Ruta de la Seda y la Ruta de la Seda marítima de Siglo XXI" representa, en gran medida, un desafío directo a la globalización neoliberal y una propuesta de interconectividad que surge como iniciativa regional y se expande como proyecto global de China, reconfigurando la geografía económica por medio de masivas inversiones en infraestructura que no tienen precedente. El objetivo de nuestro artículo es analizar este proceso, el rol de la RPC y las implicaciones en: 1) la geopolítica global, con la abertura de nuevas rutas de transporte marítimos y terrestres (corredores), 2) las transformaciones institucionales de la gobernanza económica global, y 3) la importancia para el Sur Global y las potencias emergentes.
The aim of this article is to investigate the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the appropriation of materials and energy in XUAR (PRC). To do this, I propose a critical contrastive analysis of official historiographical narratives: narratives about the official inclusion of the conquered territory of the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang (XUAR-PRC) at the borders of the Qing Empire in the 18th century; the Final Communiqué of the Bandung Conference; the modernizing speeches imposed by the PRC on the territory of XUAR through the developmental narratives that accompany the BRI.The autochthonous socio-environmental systems have been subjected, since the inclusion of the territory into the Chinese borders, to mechanisms of colonialism implemented by external agents. This process has given rise to an interethnic conflict and a process of gentrification of the territories resulting from an extractivist and capitalist model of natural resource management (agriculture, gas, oil). The BRI, based on the development of transport and logistics infrastructures, reflects a strategy that aims to promote PRC's role in global relations: it enhances international investment flows and commercial outlets for Chinese products, through land and sea routes, trying to reestablish the ancient Silk Roads, and promotes the creation of new roads, in order to connect a wider number of territories and countries —around sixty—.In turn, this research aims to reveal the impact of the imposition of the PRC neo-colonialist economic and extractive model, as well as the future consequences, on indigenous populations and management models. In terms of methodology this requires reconstructing the poverty narrative of Uyghur peoples, including accounts of their exclusion, ejection from the original areas, and a special emphasis on autochthonous outlook on their environment and how Modernity invades their natural and human space.Local and regional sociopolitical tensions have, in the final third of the twentieth century, forced or encouraged Uyghur emigration from XUAR and from the PRC, leading to the creation of distant exile communities. Through the inclusion of Uyghur studies (Jacobs, 2016; Leibold, 2007; Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Thum, 2012, among others), in a wider panorama of decolonial studies (Escobar, 2016; Restrepo, 2016; Santos y Meneses, 2014, Ortega Santos y Olivieri, 2020, etc.), academia still faces the need to continue researching the socio-environmental impact of the modernization policies imposed by the PRC and its impact on the forms of autochthonous management of human and natural resources of the territory of XUAR. This, under Chinese domination in its different historical stages, has become a scenario of socio-environmental conflicts: economic, political and identity consequences return the image of a colonized territory (Millward, 2007, 2018; Sautman, 2000; Olivieri, 2020; Roberts, 2020), subjected to continuous extraction and repression processes by the central government. This institutional constraint, in recent years, has been legitimized by the PRC central state within the international community by accusing Uyghurs —culturally Muslims by majority— of terrorism, and thus including the whole oppression policies in the global scenario of GWOT (Roberts, 2020). This strategy hides the extractive-colonial interests that China has on the indigenous land of Uyghurs and other turkic peoples —such as Kazakhs, which represent more than a million people living in the territory—.Post-coloniality and national independence in a global scenario have presented the overwhelming need to rethink Asia in all its political and cultural complexity, and to launch projects —such as the one proposed at the Bandung Conference (1955), in which China played a leading role— that promote a supra-national unity respectful of plurality (Peña, 1956; Yoon, 2018); however, it seems now necessary to analyze how Bandung narratives coexist with those of a sinocentric megaproject (Pérez, 2014), with modernizing and developmental neo-colonial purposes (Islam, 2019). The BRI proposes reestablishing connections between Europe, Asia and Africa —that is, reviving old geoschemes (Millward, 2018) from a neo-colonial perspective (Clarke, 2017). Those links allegedly propose an economic supra-national development plan on an intercontinental scale, with the aim of modelling a scenario of revived cultural and human contacts, as well as commercial exchanges—. Nevertheless, the PRC's BRI underlies the imposition of its economic and cultural model and the application of measures of natural resources extraction on the affected regions. The current conflict in XUAR may be seen as socio-environmental for: 1. The economic divide between Han/Uyghur-North/south in the region, is also a divide between agrarian and commercial-urban economies; 2. The PRC development strategy is focused on urbanization, but within XUAR, the Uyghur south has been largely left out of urban-based development, or controlled by the predominantly Han organization of the Bingtuan (Production Construction Corps) which is now developing colonies in southern XUAR that largely excluded local Uyghurs from the benefits of housing and commercial opportunity; 3. XUAR has a systemic water deficit, and dire prospects within decades as climate change melts the glaciers on whose melt water the region currently relies.Since the annexation of the territory of XUAR, the Government has been launching policies aimed at developing a greater control and power over the Uyghur historical region which represents a fundamental enclave both for natural resources extraction and for geopolitical strategies of Chinese politics and trade. The conquest and the subsequent mechanisms of coloniality have imposed in XUAR changes in the modes of management and those related to the natural environment, turning "particular ecosystems" into "modern forms of nature" (Escobar, 2016). Throughout this research, the term "coloniality" will be understood as a process that has certainly transformed the forms of domination deployed by Modernity, but not the structure of the center-periphery relations worldwide. In this particular case study, we are confronted with a scenario where decolonization has not happened; in fact, it is still denied, by the government itself, that there has been a colonization per se. Therefore, coloniality here is built from the creation of denialist and inclusionist discourses, which nullify the possibility of the subjects' —in broad terms: the land of XUAR and those who inhabit it— very existence. Since then, the ways of life of the subaltern groups, in all aspects, are subject to the Modern/Colonial model, it is necessary to re-dignify the community attempts of survival and resistance, as ones of subjects oppressed by the mechanisms of capitalist modernity.Through this article I aim to reveal the Uyghurs perspective on how the official narratives about "development" and "modernity" proclaimed by the BRI, besides the monetary growth, hide colonial and oppressive control politics, and whose consequences are exclusion, repression, and even elimination of autochthonous identities in order to impose control over their territories and resources. So, jointly with a deep bibliographical and theoretical reflection, the very voices of exiled Uyghurs are here anonymously presented, based on Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR). ; El objetivo de este trabajo es el de investigar el impacto de la Iniciativa Belt and Road (BRI) en la apropiación de materiales y energía en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang (XUAR) de la República Popular de China (RPCh). Para ello, propongo un análisis contrastivo crítico de las narrativas historiográficas oficiales: narrativas sobre la inclusión oficial del territorio conquistado de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang en las fronteras del Imperio Qing en el siglo XVIII; el Comunicado Final de la Conferencia de Bandung; los discursos modernizadores impuestos por la República Popular de China en el territorio de XUAR a través de las narrativas desarrollistas que acompañan la BRI. Los sistemas socioambientales autóctonos han sido sometidos, desde la inclusión del territorio en las fronteras chinas, a mecanismos de colonialismo implementados por agentes externos. Este proceso ha dado lugar a un conflicto interétnico y a un proceso de gentrificación de los territorios resultante de un modelo extractivista y capitalista de gestión de los recursos naturales (agricultura, gas, petróleo). La BRI, basada en el desarrollo de las infraestructuras de transporte y logísticas, refleja una estrategia que tiene como objetivo promover el papel de la República Popular de China en las relaciones globales: potencia los flujos de inversión internacional y las salidas comerciales para los productos chinos, a través de rutas terrestres y marítimas, tratando de restablecer las antiguas Rutas de la Seda, y promueve la creación de nuevas carreteras, con el fin de conectar un mayor número de territorios y países —alrededor de sesenta—. En cambio, esta investigación tiene como propósito el de revelar el impacto de la imposición del modelo económico y extractivo neocolonialista de la RPCh, así como sus consecuencias futuras sobre las poblaciones indígenas y los modelos autóctonos de gestión. En términos de metodología, esto requiere reconstruir las narrativas de pobreza del pueblo uigur, incluyendo relatos de su exclusión, expulsión de sus tierras originarias proponiendo un especial énfasis en la mirada autóctona sobre su entorno y cómo la Modernidad invade su espacio natural y humano.
In Colombia in recent decades has been implemented biofuel production as an alternative to fossil fuel use, it is intended that our country become one of the leading producers and for this the government has worked to the extent necessary to achieve it. One of the major promoters of the development of biofuels in Colombia has been the president Alvaro Uribe is why in this paper is an analysis from the perspective of bioethics Van Rensselaer Potter to expresident speeches, in order to elucidate if they are bioethical positions. For the development of the research methodology was used discourse analysis, finding once applied this, that speeches by Uribe Velez are bioethical positions, but also perceived contradictions about the management which gives the concept of nature. ; En Colombia durante las últimas décadas se ha implementado la producción de biocombustibles como una alternativa a la utilización de combustibles fósiles, se busca que nuestro país se convierta en uno de los primeros productores, razón por la cual el gobierno ha trabajado lo necesario para lograrlo. Uno de los principales promotores del desarrollo de los biocombustibles en Colombia ha sido el expresidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez, es por ello que en este trabajo se hace un análisis desde la perspectiva de la bioética de Van Rensselaer Potter a discursos pronunciados por el expresidente durante su mandato, con el fin de elucidar si se encuentran posturas bioéticas. Para el desarrollo de la investigación se utilizó la metodología del análisis del discurso, encontrándose que en los planteamientos de Uribe Vélez sí se encuentran posturas bioéticas, aunque también se perciben contradicciones frente al manejo que da al concepto de naturaleza. ; Na Colômbia, durante as últimas décadas tem sido implementada a produção de biocombustíveis como alternativa ao uso de combustíveis fósseis. Procura que o nosso país se torna um dos primeiros produtores, para que o governo tem trabalhado. Um dos principais promotores do desenvolvimento dos biocombustíveis na Colômbia foi o antigo presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez; portanto, este trabalho faz uma análise na perspectiva da bioética de Van Rensselaer Potter para dis cursos entregues pelo antigo presidente durante seu mandato, a fim de elucidar se são posições bioéticos. O desenvol vimento da pesquisa foi a metodologia de análise do discurso, encontrado nas abordagens de Uribe Vélez são posições bioéticas, mas encontrando também percebida contradições diante de gestão que dá ao conceito de natureza
