Suchergebnisse

This article is a presentation of bureaucracy, its elements, the diverse forms it takes in developing countries, its rationality as political strategy and new theorists in the subjects. ; El artículo realiza una presentación de la burocracia, sus elementos, las diversas formas que adopta en los países en desarrollo, su racionalidad como estrategia política y los nuevos teóricos que la estudian.

At head of title: Institute of Governmental Research, University of Washington. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Flyer advertising a social event to support the financing of the Anti- Imperialist International festival.

"Carolyn S. Mathiasen wrote . [2] chapters . and the Legislative appendix [p. 39-92]" ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

El artículo realiza una presentación de la burocracia, sus elementos, las diversas formas que adopta en los países en desarrollo, su racionalidad como estrategia política y los nuevos teóricos que la estudian. ; This article is a presentation of bureaucracy, its elements, the diverse forms it takes in developing countries, its rationality as political strategy and new theorists in the subjects.

In the area of corporate social responsibility, where to go and how to get there are major questions facing corporations, their lawyers, investors, and governmental agencies alike.' Questions of "where to go" facing corporate executives and others include how much corporate social responsibility is enough and what forms social responsibility should take. Other questions concern which of the socially responsible measures corporations could take portend the greatest good for the greatest number, or on the more pragmatic scale, which measures will win the greatest amount of public or governmental acceptance. What roles government, citizen groups, or investors should play in inducing or in monitoring corporate social responsibility are questions of "how to get there."' Much debated and often heavy-handed or economically wasteful devices have been proposed as means of achieving desired levels of corporate social performance. These proposed devices include federal chartering of corporations, federal minimum corporate law standards, use of shareholder public interest proxy campaigns, installation of public interest directors on corporate boards of directors, and directors' election by specified constituencies drawn from labor, consumers, or suppliers.' This article's supposition is that perhaps none of these devices offers as much promise in getting corporations to an optimum level of social performance as does corporate social accounting. Indeed, combined with some disclosure of accounting results, corporate social accounting will aid in defining what an optimum level of social performance might be. The corporate social audit, together with public reporting, can be the Cheshire Cat of today's corporate world. As such, it is more benevolent-sitting on the rail telling corporations where to go and how to get there with less acrimony, delay, or inefficiency-than federal chartering of corporations, public interest proxy campaigns, or any other device reformers propose.

Cover title. ; "December 1, 1976". ; Mode of access: Internet.

WI docs. no.: Ed.6/2:D 48/P 6 ; Cover title. ; Bibliography: p. 19-22. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Federal aid to the disabled is a vast enterprise; over nine billion dollars are annually paid to five million beneficiaries. In this Article, Professor Liebman points out how the ad hoc nature of social welfare legislation and programming has resulted in a system that produces inconsistent and sometimes inequitable determinations of disability. The present system, he argues, draws significant economic and social distinctions among the disabled, as well as distinctions between the disabled and the unemployed, that have been inadequately explained and justified. By focusing on worker expectations generated by the administration of our disability programs, and on the structural relationships established between the different programs, Professor Liebman suggests a set of principles to guide future legislative developments and judicial decisions.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Pages 41-42 wanting. ; Bibliography: p. [42?]-44. ; Mode of access: Internet.

I. Aperçu historique : comment la condition ouvrière du XIXème siècle a donné naissance à la "question sociale" , et celle-ci au droit du travail. II. Exercice de théorie du droit : supputation des diverses interactions qui peuvent exister entre les phénomènes travail et droit. - I. Historical Survey : how the working conditions in the 19th century gave rise to the "Social Question". II. Exercise to theory of law : consideration of the various interactions which may exist between the phenonmenon of "work" and the phenomenon of "law".

The first news that the literaries text adduce us about Malaca, there are referring to his inclusion in Semitic town's group of the coast, who, with, others of the Guadalquivir Valley (Canno, Bardo} revolt against the newly erected roman administration in Spain. This revolt, which was generated along the years 198-197 B. C. (Liv. XXXIII, 21, 7-9), included a settlements with different legal status, from what in the same way, there are several reasons to the same revolt. Malaca. as civitas foederata, like others towns of the coast, also with Semitic origin, in order to his foedus with Roma, hadn't to contribute with the regular tax, but indeed it had to pay one special contribution at troops to the legions, and we know that, during these years, there is a great provincialism in the roman army in Spain. Perhaps this dutie's increase, roused to Malaca for the revolt, while that the revolt's motive in the Guadalquivir Valley it would be the imposition of the regular stipendium, since that year, taxed tribute for his conditions like civitates stipendiariae (Liv. XXXIll, 27, 1; Liv. XXXIV, 10). The usual sources keep silent about almost kind following happenings to the 197 B. C., about the roman Malaca. The town must proceed with his Semitic tradition's industries, such as it were the bad luck fish's industry and the sauce's preparation, for which there are documents since preroman times. The libiophoenices. who the latines texts mentions, perhaps they should can make up the work's hand who, being carried during previously times towards the South-East region, support the peak of this industries, whose direction Semitic minority secure of the place the presence of the African peoples in the town, attested in the texts, it is not a surprise to one community, as Malaca, which always maintained contacts of all sort with the neighbouring coast. From the hostile contacts, because of true invasions of Moorish people, attested since the end of the roman Republic until Adrian and Marc Aurel emperors (CIL, VI, 31856), attracts possibly on account the wealth of the Malacitano market, until the contacts that the trade had promoted in the apparition of the Corpus negotiantium salsarum, of Syrian's corporation {CIL, II, p. 254), public officials about the trade (CIL, II, 1970), people of African origin (CIL, II, 1976), etc., all these things ratify one important economic activity, possibly uninterrupted along of the history of the town, and one interest from Roma to defend such institutions for his self profit. Malaca, city alike in weight to Gades o Carthago Nova, with a privileged legal status, in flavian limes passed to be included in the municipal rule, like there is attested in the important discovery of his lex municipalis. Malaca passed to the full roman administration without evident problems and like answer of the centralist wish of the emperor, who were interested in to make firm the services of the one town, which directed toward his economic projection, and outside the political convulsions, there is warranting the continuity of the programs of the emperors. Perhaps the omission of news in the texts about Malaca, it is responding for this condition of pacific evolution, which the town would have, really very little attractive to the Latin writers, always with attention for the incidents with historical prominence.

Item 1028. ; Hearings held Apr. 26-28, 1976. ; Mode of access: Internet.

By 1965, behavioral social science had become a widely accepted approach to the scientific study of man and his politics. Any uncertainty as to what constituted a proper social science seemed to be raised most deeply by writers acquainted with the nature of physical science which most social science methodology seemed desparately to emulate. Recent comments by Nobel physicist Hideki Yukawa seem to indicate that little has changed in the physicist's scientific method in the last ten years and it would appear to be time to review those theories which prompted some radical reconsideration of the nature of both natural and social science over the last decade. The ideas which seem to lead to such a reconsideration include Werner Heisenberg's principle of uncertainty — that the observer's attempt to pin-point one phenomenon in nature disrupts or interferes with closely related phenomena; and Niels Bohr's principle of complimentarity where two seemingly different or contradictory theories when taken together offer a more complete understanding of a given phenomenon in the physical world. Michael Polanyi's notions of "tacit knowledge"and "indwelling" indicate that "we know more than we can tell" and that our view of isolated and detailed aspects of reality are rooted in a "prior knowledge"or even "involvement" in a larger whole. The capability of seeing or sharing in such larger wholes has been considered by humanistic psychologist Abraham Maslow as a measure of the scientist's maturity. A social scientist is open to more when he is a healthy person. Empathy, participation and man's purposefulness are the three human characteristics considered in this paper all of which seem to appear as the crux of a science of man by which all science must reinterpret its own methodology. To so interpret such characteristics rather than tailoring them to fit existing physical and behavioral scientific method and theory is to put certain ethical and political responsibilities of the social scientist at the very center of the nature, method and theory of our understanding of man and the science of man. The theories of Heisenberg, Bohr, Polanyi and Maslow support such a radical reinterpretation and the conclusion of the paper is that such a reinterpretation does not so much redefine social science in the light of natural science, but puts a reconsideration of the nature of man and science at center stage, so that a total regeneration of all science may be possible.