Suchergebnisse

Examines the relationship between the high-performance work organization system as measured by the 1991 National Organizations Study & organizational performance. According to the literature, the high-performance work organization system is characterized by decentralization, flexibility, teamwork, continuous education & training, gain-sharing compensation strategies, consultative labor-management relations, & a commitment to employee security. It is found that profit sharing, stock options, performance bonuses, & merit are expecially linked to better performance, while greater training correlates with high performance, except in the area of customer satisfaction. Decentralization is not associated with high performance. It is suggested that organizations that experience the highest performance are those that adopt a number of the characteristics of the high-performance system. 5 Tables, 3 Figures. D. M. Smith

Analyzes the functioning of the French Socialist Party since 1970 & draws some broader theoretical implications from the case study. The author criticizes the dominant 'externalist' approaches to party performance & decline that describes parties as passive or as merely reactive to factors within their social-structural or institutional environments. Strategic choices & party performance can be explained by internal & external factors such as the specific organizational form adopted by the party, the relationship between intra-party resources, & inter-party politics (Kitschelt 1989, 1994). The French Socialist Party won two victories in 1981, the election of Francois Mitterand as president & the majority of seats in the National Assembly, in part due to a series of internal changes in the party in the 1970s. But subsequent internal problems led to electoral defeats by the mid-1980s. While factionalism had contributed to the party's growth & electoral success, it became institutionalized & inflexible & could not adapt to new challenges. The same organizational feature, therefore, helped or hindered depending on the circumstances. Internal dynamics of parties as well as models of parties affect their capacity to adapt to contemporary change. This hypothesis is empirically analyzed at the national level & at two provincial branches of the party. L. A. Hoffman

The diverse People's Global Action (PGA) was founded in 1998 to protest neoliberalism & its institutions via direct action. The transnational collaboration achieved in the PGA & its challenges in the areas of resources, organizational culture, & coalition experience differences are examined using minutes & reports from meetings, interviews, & surveys of participants. The PGA's North-South differences in participation, the unique organizational structure, & the organization process are described. Despite the differences between group members, mechanisms of structure (decentralization), identity, grassroots organizing, & avoidance of Northern domination within the coalition help achieve collaboration & participation. Tables, Appendixes, References. M. Pflum

Reflects on the experience of involvement with the Up against the Wall Motherfuckers, a small group of hippie activists on the Lower East Side of New York City, 1966-1969. Personal interest & participation are explained as a consequence of a liberal, privileged Jewish up-bringing that allowed little space for the exploration of one's personal identity. Civil disobedience with the Motherfuckers was a means of gaining a personal identity. It is suggested that as the Motherfuckers widened the definition of what is considered political, it also narrowed the area of what was considered legitimate political action. Inspired by a kind of infantile rage, the Motherfuckers eschewed all forms of political action that were not total, or that did not call into question the very existence of those who participated. The Motherfuckers foundered, because such rage dissipates quickly, ie, they lacked a sustaining political structure. Thus, while the political vision inspired by this rage was important & salient for contemporary politics, it lacked the rugged political organization needed to channel its energies into effective action. D. M. Smith

Discusses the importance of further research on the relative success of political movements, & supports a bargaining perspective of success analysis that emphasizes the interactions between social movement organizations (SMOs) & their targets (political institutions). Six forms of SMO success are defined: acceptance, agenda, access, policy victories, structural changes, & satisfying activist concerns. The bargaining perspective stresses relationships between SMOs, the political target, & the political environment, including the influence of third parties, & it is argued that the success of SMOs is determined by the degree of influence the SMO has over the political target. Review of previous research suggests that the tactics employed by SMOs are not as important as the dependence of the target on the SMO, & third-party support may facilitate SMO success when the third party holds political sway over the target. The relatively high success rate of violent tactics with an economic impact further supports bargaining theory due to the third-party political influence of business leaders, & it is concluded that SMO success is especially easy in unstable political environments where political leaders are unusually dependent on electoral support. 2 Tables. T. Sevier

Examines the political development of Belarus from the last years of Soviet rule through the first decade of postcommunist transition to democracy, focusing on the emergence & evolution of the party system. Factors contributing to the movement toward democratization in newly independent Belarus are identified, along with those facilitating a virtual reversal of this tendency since 1996. It is argued that, though legitimate parties have developed, they have failed to create a stable party system capable of counterbalancing larger & older power relations. Data collected during interviews with political leaders in the late 1990s are drawn on to analyze party organization & effectiveness. Specific procedural (ie, structural & electoral) incentives that parties must have if they are to win voter trust & support & create an institutionalized party system are identified. 1 Table, 1 Figure. K. Hyatt Stewart

A conclusion to this volume reiterates how international governmental organizations (INGOs) can influence the world polity when most of them have limited resources & few enforcement capabilities. It is argued that the problem arises from inadequate analyses of the nature of contemporary authority that explore the nature of global authority to develop a broader theoretical understanding of the role & effectiveness of INGOs. It is contended that a different logic applies to INGO authority by virtue of their not having sovereign states as members. Three types of authority reflected in INGO operations are described -- autonomous, collateral, & penetrative. It is also shown that INGOs derive authority from a wide range of legitimations, including their official operating structures/procedures, pursued goals, & the cultural authority/professional status of members. It is maintained that INGOs & states collaborate in complex processes of global governance even though INGOs most often function outside the formal state authority structure. J. Lindroth

Analyzes the complexities of applying refined boundaries & definitions for public & private sector organizations & suggests areas for redefinition of public services. The purposes of government & perceptions of the state by those on the Right & Left are identified. Successful public services, delivered by public & private groups, are discussed, with commentary on sources of innovation & impact of organizational structure. The concept of disciplined pluralism is introduced; examples include the competitive market for goods & services, the evolution of health care, & universities. Problems of incentive compatibility & centralization plague state-controlled public services. Suggestions for regulation in the modern market economy are offered. L. Collins Leigh

The effects of information technology (IT) deployment on efficiency & reduction of corruption in municipal government is illustrated in this case of the Calcutta Municipal Corp in India, 1994/95. The five stages of implementation were setting a strategic agenda, launching the pilot, reconfirming the agenda, rolling out the project, & driving benefits & change. Automation & IT were introduced within a strategy to improve employee morale & gain confidence after institutional failure, to raise revenues, & to control expenditures. Employees & outsiders offered strong resistance to implementation of the new IT system. Besides its positive effects on general operations & management, the new IT system checked corruption in the areas of property tax assessment & collection, expenditures management, & solid waste management. M. Pflum

Presents a theory of social norms that illuminates the relationship between institutions & networks, maintaining that, although individual social relations are at the heart of that relationship, economic social network theories have not linked norms to social networks at the institutional level. Social exchange theory is built on to provide the theoretical basis for identifying the mechanisms that supply the missing link. It is argued that norms are by-products of ongoing social relationships, upheld by social approval/disapproval that acts as a self-reinforcing mechanism, while the rewards exchanged between individuals furnish the social mechanisms essential to economic life. Constraints, which include the state, laws/regulations, organizations, ideology, & informal norms, determine economic performance by shaping the structure of incentives. Six propositions explaining variations in organizational performance are discussed. The model is applied to a case study of cooperation & productivity at Cornell U's (NY) Large Experimental Organization, a consortium of research scientists, to illustrate the effectiveness of the conceptual framework. 3 Figures, 89 References. J. Lindroth

Summarizes this volume's contributions to the development of a new theoretical approach to social movements that emphasizes their embeddedness within state structures, dominant cultures, & civil society. The need to study both the internal dynamics & external contexts of movements, & their interrelationships, in attempting to explain movement structures, strategies of collective action, & meaning is emphasized. Ways that a movement's collective identity & discourse interact with external opportunities & constraints are of key importance. In addition, it is clear that systemic inequalities based on gender, race, class, & sexuality shape both social movements & the organizations & institutions they confront. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this volume's contributions to the development of a new theoretical approach to social movements that emphasizes their embeddedness within state structures, dominant cultures, & civil society. The need to study both the internal dynamics & external contexts of movements, & their interrelationships, in attempting to explain movement structures, strategies of collective action, & meaning is emphasized. Ways that a movement's collective identity & discourse interact with external opportunities & constraints are of key importance. In addition, it is clear that systemic inequalities based on gender, race, class, & sexuality shape both social movements & the organizations & institutions they confront. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines the extent to which three types of contingency work -- part-time, temporary, & contract -- are used by US organizations, drawing on data from the 1991 National Organizations Study. In the literature, the growth of contigency work has been associated with increased international competition, privatization, deregulation, corporate mergers, industrial shifts, & an increase in demand of workers for flexible work schedules. Here, results indicate that 70+% of organizations use some form of contingent work, with part-time work the most common. However, organizations that produce products rather provide services are less likely to use part-timers as are profit-oriented, smaller, & less specialized establishments. While organizations are advantaged by the availability of contingency workers in the sense of greater flexibility & lower payroll costs, such workers tend to reduce productivity & actually increase per unit labor costs in the long run. It is suggested that better understanding of contingency work will require more refined analyses of intra- & interorganizational trends. 1 Table, 4 Figures. D. M. Smith

Compares the political impact of extreme Right movements in Germany & Italy to argue that competition between ethnic & civic conceptions of citizenship/national identity influences the likelihood of successful extreme Right mobilization. The resurgence of extreme Right mobilization since the early 1980s is described in terms of attacks on immigrant groups, neo-Nazi demonstrations, & political elections. Although extreme Right political parties have been far less successful in Germany than Italy, the former's recent restrictive immigration policies are closer to extreme Right values than is true in the latter. The concept of political opportunity structure is combined with a framing perspective to introduce a theoretical model for analyzing how differential outcomes are attributable to varied ethnic & political configurations of nationhood. It is contended that Germany demonstrates that the extreme Right can be harmful to the relation between immigrant & indigenous communities without being politically successful. The importance of both discursive & institutional opportunities for successful mobilization is discussed, along with possible ways to prevent an increase in extreme Right strength in European politics. 1 Figure. J. Lindroth

The political influence of the urban middle class (UMC) on US policy making is empirically investigated using a multiple-perspectives framework on policy outcomes & data from a cross-national sample of 42 urban transit agencies in large metropolitan areas. Analyses reveal the importance of the UMC on three hypothesized policy outcomes: strategic organizational effectiveness, operational efficiency, & social program effectiveness. Specifically, the greater the proportion of UMC individuals in an agency's service population, the more effective is the agency. The importance of the UMC factor over political power variables is also demonstrated for two out of the three policy outcomes. 3 Tables, 66 References. K. Hyatt Stewart