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Not Available ; It is a matter of pleasure that "ICAR HRM Policy: Training and Capacity Building"has been formulated for the first time based an National Training Policy - 2012 of Government of India for training and capacity enhancement of ICAR employees. This Policy focuses on the tenet of 'competency-based training for all' which means that all cadres should get due emphasis for training and capacity building. The Policy gives guidelines on competency framework; objectives; nature of training; training targets; role of ICAR and training institutions; trainer development; foreign training; funding; implementation, coordination, monitoring and evaluation. It also encompasses model training schemes for scientific, technical, administrative (including finance and accounts), stenographer services and skilled supporting staffs. The Policy envisages for transforming the employees of ICAR by developing strategic human resource management system, which shall look at the individual as a vital resource to be valued, motivated, developed and enabled to achieve the overall Organisation's mission and objectives. The Policy document has been finalised after long process of consultations, meetings and presentations with NAARM, Hyderabad, the Senior Officers' Committee (SOC) of ICAR and valued inputs received from SMDs and employees of ICAR for improvement with the concurrence of the IFD of ICAR. The Policy document was cleared by Administrative Sub-Committee of the Governing Body of ICAR and finally approved by the 242nd Meeting of Governing Body of ICAR Society on 29th November, 2017 for adoption and implementation in the ICAR system. ; Not Available

"Who or what is 'anti-national'? The question was foregrounded in a series of unprecedenteed events that unfolded at Jawaharlal Nehru University from February 2016. Over the next few months, sections of the television, print and social media turned the country into a choric chamber of hate, riveting national attention. The proliferating 'charges' produced great political and intellectual disquiet in the JNU community of students and teachers. As a creative response, the Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers' Association organized a teach-in for a month between 17 February and 17 March 2016. The lectures addressed the meanings, histories and experience of nationalism, and its unresolved dilemmas, in India and beyond. The teach-in lectures, which were initially intended for members of the JNU community, and delivered principally by JNU teachers, soon gained unanticipated audiences across India and in international forums. Reports and translations of the lectures, live streamed on YouTube, made for a reach that extended well beyond the 'Freedom Square', the area in front of JNU's administrative block, which became the space of this intellectual and political occupation. The book, therefore, is both an archive of that historic moment and a tribute to the effort that succeeded in refocusing national attention on the university as the space for sustaining serious, well-historicized and critical thought." -- Back cover

Cover -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Part 1 -- The Idea of a Hindu Nation -- Rediscovering National Icons -- Understanding RSS and Fringe Elements -- Nation from the Historical Lens -- Part 2 -- Being Muslim -- Jamaat and Religion -- Islam and Practices -- Not Being the Other -- Part 3 -- Everybody an Immigrant -- References -- About the Author.

In Belgium, the idea of 'openness' is a well spread notion in electoral political discourses and the 2012 local election in Wallonia is no exception to this trend. Despite a clear victory, it is indeed very common for local political leaders in Belgium to announce that they will open their majority to other lists. The idea of 'openness' is also part of the local electoral campaign in terms of recruitment: non-partisan candidates – who clearly want to distinguish themselves from the party – are recruited to figure on the lists as 'independent candidates'. They are called 'candidates d'ouverture' as a sign of openness towards the civil society, the opposition, or dissidents from other political parties. Actually, these candidates are recruited for various reasons: there are sometimes used to demonstrate the citizen character of the list, to enhance the fact that the list 'makes politics differently from established political parties', to underline the local roots of the list, and sometimes the 'candidates d'ouverture' are simply used to complete vacancies on a list.

The Bologna Process experienced a rapidly growing and an unexpected level of support. The authors revisit the key moments of the strategic promotion of the Bologna model and address the issue of the advantages other countries from other continents might gain from lining up with versions of the Bologna model. During the first years, the Process drew on a wide variety of practices and methods, but once it was taken out of Europe, it turned into a closed system based on strict principles. Europe still expresses doubts but it spreads its certainties as it integrates them in its new Licence-Master-Doctorate (LMD) system, which is presented as universally relevant, even though they represent only one particular means of conceiving, addressing and resolving the problems of higher education systems. The example of the export of such a model in Africa can lead people to worry that it might add up to nothing more than a 'sovereignty bubble' in a political system that sorely needs to encourage creativity, critical stances and collective endeavours.

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

Transparency is a widely used concept in debates on international politics, from transnational anti-corruption campaigns to renewed requests for greater disclosure on health, finance, or even security issues. Calls for transparency date back at least to the League of Nations, when internationalists demanded open diplomacy. Yet, it is in the subfield of GEG, and its developments on nonstate actors as a key research topic (see introduction), where the practice and theory of transparency has made the most profound inroads (Gupta 2010a). GEG has been a particularly fertile ground for the development of informational governance (Mol 2008) and the rise of numerous transparency initiatives which have been analyzed in a rapidly developing literature. Importantly, current GEG research is also highly relevant for other IR subfields. For one, recent GEG research can help IR scholars to further refine the concept of transparency and to increase conceptual clarity and sophistication. Second, research on GEG has improved our understanding of the factors that determine the effectiveness of transparency as a governance tool in international politics.

In recent years, public authorities and civil-society organisations, driven by increasing public disengagement and a growing sense of distrust between the public and their representatives, have been instituting exercises in public deliberation, often using 'mini-publics', that is relatively small groups of citizens, selected according to various criteria and representing different viewpoints, brought together to deliberate on a particular issue. From small-scale experiments, mini- publics have recently taken a constitutional turn, at least in Europe. Iceland and Ireland have turned to deliberative democracy to reform their constitutions. Estonia, Luxembourg and Romania have also experienced constitutional processes in a deliberative mode. In Belgium, the G1000, a citizen-led initiative of deliberative democracy, has fostered a wider public debate about the place and role of citizens in the country's democracy. At the same time, the European Union institutions have introduced different forms of deliberative democracy as a way to reconnect with citizens. These empirical cases are indicative of a possible 'constitutional turn' in deliberative democracy in Europe. These examples of constitution-making happened in a particular time and place but they may also serve as models for other events.