Suchergebnisse

The Position "Lars Hierta's" Professor in Political Sciences was established in 1936, & although there are currently 6 more Professor positions at Stockholm University, this one is particularly involved in recruiting, for which reason extra importance is given to administrative merits. Scientific, pedagogical, administrative & leadership, as well as scientific representative merits were evaluated. Of the five applicants, only three were considered as the others had no research experience. After a detailed analysis, none of the three were considered acceptable for named position. A. Barral

Six candidates for a political science professor position open at Lund University are evaluated. Among factors considered are their political science, education, and administrative expertise. Finally, each is given a brief, overall assessment. Adapted from the source document.

Twenty percent of the Swedish laws & amendments are directly governed by binding EC decisions, directives & regulations. Another 10 percent are connected with the EU or the EC. That is the result of a study examining all new laws & amendments passed by the Swedish Parliament during the years 1998-2003. By investigating the government bills behind the 3,449 acts, the researcher has analyzed to what extent the bills are designed to implement binding EC legislation or remove obstacles & conflicts between national & EC law, & to what extent the legislation is in any way influenced by the EU membership. This is one of few studies that make a quantitative survey of the power that the European Union wields over Swedish democratic institutions. After ten years of EU membership, the "power transferred from Stockholm to Brussels" is still a big issue in the domestic debate concerning the European Union. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article explains the process of selection of a Professor in Political Sciences with special emphasis in administration at the University of Lund in Sweden. The curriculum vitae & merits of each candidate, both in research & pedagogic, as well as their administrative experience, are presented, together with a general evaluation. Each of the three members of the hiring committee establishes a rank for the three final candidates, & Professor Axel Hadenius is appointed. Katarina Eckerberg, Axel Hadenius, Jonas Hinnfors, Mats Sjolin, Drude Dahlerup contributed. A. Barral

It is epistemologically motivated to describe the human sciences as divided into one objectivistic (nature/body) & one intersubjectivistic (society) part. The problem is to bridge these parts, & evolutionary theory is chosen as a possible instrument. As a preparation it is necessary to find the relevant epistemological & ontological categories. Two epistemological (objectivism & intersubjectivism) & three ontological (levels of aggregation, position of actors & plans of reality) dimensions are discussed together with some fundamental methodological problems. Another important part of the task is to elucidate societal change in relation to different types of societal patterns (from laws to similarities & differences). 8 Figures, 104 References. Adapted from the source document.

An appointment committee went through the process of reviewing candidates for the position of Johan Skytte Chair in Eloquence and Government at Uppsala University. In all, they received application materials and supporting documents from eight candidates. Candidates were evaluated based on their political science and education expertise as demonstrated through their independent research contributions, and their oratory and administrative skill, and finally on their activities in the area of community outreach -- i.e., the education of the broader public outside academic circles. Out of the original group of eight, the committee narrowed down their applicant pool to four candidates. Upon assigning individual rankings to each of the four candidates, all three committee members gave the top ranking to Li Bennich-Bjorkman. Adapted from the source document.

Is it really meaningful to talk about "good" science? We hesitate. We desire good (state) science stumbling near a positivist scientific view. We wish for political science theory -- and practice as much as possible to emulate natural science theory and methodology -- to be objective, to look for hard facts, causal relationships, universal laws, and by using the "right" methods to reach the "right" or "true" knowledge and thus make us the "real" knowledge producers. At the same time we believe it is important to keep the discussion on good science not only alive but also always ongoing. Perhaps this is an ongoing discussion about our research efforts and research ideals of what constitutes good science? It is our guiding principle when we formulated the following manifesto for the good of science. Adapted from the source document.

Manifest is an application, a declaration, the given, the obvious, direct or by observable and clear notice. But the manifesto also get their meaning by the non-manifest non-manifest: its meaning is created in relation to all this that the manifest is not. Therefore contains the manifesto also what is excluded by an inherent negation of its manifest importance, and that which has been in line with the structuralist laws, conditions manifest's very existence. Without the latent, not manifest. The latent, that is precisely the precondition for the manifest manifest importance, thus becomes a part of the manifesto by defining it. The manifesto is thus always more than what is observable and clear notice, it holds a surplus. This excess, surplus or net is in theory unlimited, and may in economistic terms, compared to a profit. A great gain for the good political science. Adapted from the source document.

Research on Europeanization clearly shows that membership in the European Union over time affects the national political systems of member states. Given Norway's extensive integration within the EU, it is relevant and important to assess whether and, if so, how the Norwegian political system, too, has changed as a result, and how these effects compare with the general patterns among EU member states. Exploring the Europeanization of Norway in a comparative perspective, the article maps the effects of European integration for four central power relationships in the Norwegian political system: national-supranational authority, executive-legislative-judicial authority, political-administrative authority and national-regional authority. It is demonstrated that integration within the EU to a large extent has had the same effects in Norway as in the member states of the EU, despite Norway's alternative form of affiliation: extensive delegation of power to the supranational level, strengthening of the government in relation to the parliament, an increasingly important role for national courts, expanded power and autonomy of the executive administration in relation to the political leadership, and some strengthening of the regions vis-a-vis the central government. Adapted from the source document.

Postgraduate quality management can be carried out from two approaches: the first, (competitive) is based on compliance with academic, scientific and administrative standards, and the positioning of universities in world lists of best institutions; the second (humanist-social) in the commitment of the universities with the solution of the problems of sustainable development. The objective of this article is to review the recent information backing the competitive and social-humanist approaches to quality in postgraduate studies, and on this basis support what should be the meeting point between both approaches in Latin American universities. For this purpose, articles published predominantly in Latin America, and also from Asia and Africa, were analyzed. From the points of view expressed in the reviewed documents, reflections on quality management in postgraduate studies were formulated from the Latin American perspective. It was found that the competitive approach predominates in postgraduate quality management worldwide, and that the social responsibility of universities, and of postgraduate studies in particular, implies a commitment to solving local, regional and national problems, only achievable with a solid social-humanist approach. Latin American universities must combine compliance with competitive standards with postgraduate social responsibility objectives, and assign greater weight to the latter in accreditation systems.

This article reports a study on the role of the media in democratic governance. Interestingly, this issue has not been given much attention by researchers, neither by media scholars with little interest in governance, nor by governance scholars with little knowledge about how the media works. Yet, as this study substantiates, the media is a key actor in governance. Theoretically, the paper aims at providing a cross-fertilization of perspectives on the role of the media in governance by drawing on governance research as well as on research on political communication & the public sphere. The empirical aim of the paper is to analyze how policy makers assess the importance of the media in governance. A key question addressed is the significance of fostering good media relations in order to be successful in governance in different policy areas. In addition, the paper analyzes the media strategies of policy makers' in terms of the intensity of the media contacts & of whether or not the policy makers themselves initiate the contacts. The study draws on a unique dataset, comprising questionnaire responses from the corporate, political, cultural & administrative elites (policymakers within the central government office) in Sweden. Adapted from the source document.

In his famous essay On Liberty, John Stuart Mill divides individual acts in two categories; acts that only harm the acting individual himself, & acts that harms other individuals. The former is called 'self-regarding acts' & the latter is called 'other-regarding acts'. There has been a long debate between famous scholars about how to interpret Mill at this point. Some argue that Mill permit that (1) only other-regarding acts could be punished, & other argue that Mill support that (2) even self-regarding acts could be punished. I argue that Mill could not hold both of the positions at the same time, & if he does he must be guilty of a severe inconsistency. The analysis shows that interpretation (3) is most reasonable. One conclusion that follows is that Mills liberalism is not "radically individualistic," it is instead a perfectionistic form of political liberalism, including both radical & communitarian ideas. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

On 1 January 1995 Sweden became member of the European Union. This basic fact is not mentioned in Sweden's fundamental law. Nor does the Swedish constitution have anything to say about the important changes to the practice of public policymaking that have taken place since Sweden joined the EU. At the same time, it is indeed apparent that the basic rules of the political game in Sweden have been transformed dramatically after EU accession. This constitutional change, however has taken place without any substantial changes being made to the wording of the most important of Sweden's four fundamental laws, i.e., the Instrument of Government (regeringsformen). Constitutional change can be brought about in two different ways: Constitutional amendment, or explicit constitutional change, refers to a change of the rules of the game which implies a modified wording of the constitutional text. Constitutional alteration, or implicit constitutional change, means the constitutional document itself remains unaltered while its meaning is changed through judicial interpretation or legislative action. How frequently used are these different methods when it comes to the constitutional changes brought about by EU membership? How can we explain the differences between member states? How can these competing methods for constitutional change be normatively justified? Is one of them to be preferred? The research project "Hur regleras EU-medlemskapet?" seeks to answer these questions in a comparative study on how EU membership regulated in different member states. Adapted from the source document.

The new technological advances have brought a revolution on how economic agents interact with society and markets. Nowadays, the use of virtual currencies is more frequent in the financial transactions and bitcoin has been defined as the most important world cryptocurrency due to its high market capitalization and its technological infrastructure. Several studies have been conducted to discuss bitcoin advantages and disadvantages; however, few papers in literature have examined its connection and influence on the stock market. The objective of this paper is precisely cover this gap. Firstly, by providing tools and concepts to understand bitcoin's dynamic, and then determining its relationship with stock market indexes. In that context, this manuscript examines the definition and function of bitcoin in the global world and its presence in Ecuador. Besides, exploratory and visual analyses are provided using the evolution of bitcoin and other market indexes. Finally, a linear correlation is computed between bitcoin, other cryptocurrencies, stock exchange indexes and commodities. The results in this study, employing visual and statistical analyses, demonstrated that bitcoin has: a strong relationship with other cryptocurrencies; a lineal correlation, not as strong as the previous one, with the main stock market indexes; and no linear correlation with commodities.

The author reviews Bo Rothstein's book from 2003, "Social traps & the problem of Trust." Compared to Robert Putnam, Rothstein gives more importance to political processes & institutional arrangements. Studying the Swedish welfare state, Rothstein concludes that social trust is greater in Sweden than in other states, due to these institutional arrangements. The author on the other hand argues that institutions can both be a central factor to attain a new form of legitimacy & social integration, & be part of a deeper informal cultural structure. However, they can never be independent from the historical and cultural context. As generated by & themselves generating norms, they form part of "culture", but can never be treated as independent variables. References. A. Barral