Suchergebnisse

The purpose of Stanisław Chomentowski's mission as the Grand Ambassador to the Sublime Porte in 1712–1714 was to confirm the terms of the Treaty of Karlowitz, signed in 1699, and to reduce the political tension between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Turkey, which in late 1712 and throughout almost entire 1713 even threatened to erupt in an armed conflict between the two states. Considering the course of the mission, the difficulties in completing it, and even the temporary restriction of the Polish diplomat's freedom on the territory of the Ottoman state, its results should be regarded as definitely positive. Chomentowski's visit to Turkey, where he was supported by Augustus II's other diplomats, Franciszek Goltz (starosta of Śrem) and Jan Spiegel, resulted in averting the Turkish threat and renewing the terms of the Treaty of Karlowitz. The three missions, conducted by Chomentowski, Spiegel and Goltz, should be studied in the context of Augustus II's one large-scale diplomatic action, which ended successfully. It also proves that the work of the Polish diplomatic service in the times of the kings from the House of Wettin, about which historians, paradoxically, do not have a very high opinion to this day, was actually quite effective.

[W Słucku] ; Var. A - na stronie tytułowej brak miejsca wydania. ; Varianr określono na podstawie głównych różnic w składzie typograficznym - nie należą do nich brak rycin lub ost. k. Qqq z erratą. ; Wydane pod pseudonimem. ; Błędy w paginacji: po s. 65 nast. 67, po s. 120-122, po s. 128-130. ; Drzeworyt. h. Trąby Radziwiłłów na verso k. )()(3 oraz na k. Ppp1. ; Ryciny miedziorytnicze oznaczone literami A-T (łącznie z 1. front.) są sygn.: Sculpsit et delinea. Maximus Woßczanka Mohilovie (oraz: sculp. M. W.; fecit Maximus Woszczanka, etc.). ; Na s. 55 drzewor. "Zawoy." ; [W Słucku] ; [Var. A].

The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.

The article summarises, analyses and develops the opinions conveyed by the secondary literature regarding the inspirations for the reorganisation of the military system of Peloponnese as proposed by George Gemistos Plethon. Three sources of inspiration taken into consideration are: the ancient one (Platonic theo­retical framework and the Spartan society), the Byzantine one (the pronoia sys­tem) and the Ottoman one (the timar system). It seems that for Plethon the ancient component was more important in the symbolic sphere related to the Hellenic identity promoted by him. The core of the reform consists of the idea of binding the duties towards the state with the income derived from the land. The analogies are to be found among the institutions contemporary to Plethon. ; The article summarises, analyses and develops the opinions conveyed by the secondary literature regarding the inspirations for the reorganisation of the military system of Peloponnese as proposed by George Gemistos Plethon. Three sources of inspiration taken into consideration are: the ancient one (Platonic theo­retical framework and the Spartan society), the Byzantine one (the pronoia sys­tem) and the Ottoman one (the timar system). It seems that for Plethon the ancient component was more important in the symbolic sphere related to the Hellenic identity promoted by him. The core of the reform consists of the idea of binding the duties towards the state with the income derived from the land. The analogies are to be found among the institutions contemporary to Plethon.

The article analyses the main events and processes taking place during the last century in Crimea in the context of its occupation by the Russian Federation in 2014. They were presented in several phases: after 1917, when the future hosts were "white" Russians, Bolsheviks, local Tatars, Ukrainians and Ottoman Turks, and at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when post-Soviet Russia and Ukraine, as well as local Russian-speaking people of the peninsula and Crimean Tatars were competing. Agreements and apparent agreements, as well as the incompetent policy pursued by the authorities in Kiev, have led to a political crisis which, so far, has been won by Putin's Russia.

Since the founding of the republic in 1923, Turkey has been geared towards westernization and building close contacts with European states. Even after the end of World War II and the emergence of the bipolar system, it decided on membership of the capitalist bloc as an ally within NATO and aspired to membership in the European Communities. The disintegration of the Yalta system and the creation of the multipolar system became a challenge for shaping new directions in Turkey's foreign policy, and at the same time weakened its links with the Western allies. Ankara has started to believe uncritically in its own potential and capacity to act as a regional power and Eurasian state that was building its influence in the area of the former Ottoman Empire. It seems, however, that uncritical self-esteem and excessive ambition have outstripped the possibilities of Turkish politicians ; Turcja od czasu powstania republiki w 1923 r. ukierunkowana była na westernizację i budowanie ścisłych kontaktów z państwami europejskimi. Także po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i powstaniu systemu dwublokowego zadecydowała o członkostwie w bloku państw kapitalistycznych jako sojusznik w ramach NATO oraz aspirant do członkostwa we Wspólnotach Europejskich. Rozpad systemu jałtańskiego i powstanie układu multipolarnego stał się wyzwaniem dla kształtowania nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej Turcji, osłabił równocześnie jej związki z Zachodem. Ankara uwierzyła bezkrytycznie we własny potencjał i możliwości pełnienia roli mocarstwa regionalnego i państwa euroazjatyckiego budującego swoje wpływy na obszarze dawnego Imperium Otomańskiego. Wydaje się jednak, że bezkrytyczna samoocena i wygórowane ambicje przerosły możliwości polityków tureckich.

Turcja od czasu powstania republiki w 1923 r. ukierunkowana była na westernizację i budowanie ścisłych kontaktów z państwami europejskimi. Także po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i powstaniu systemu dwublokowego zadecydowała o członkostwie w bloku państw kapitalistycznych jako sojusznik w ramach NATO oraz aspirant do członkostwa we Wspólnotach Europejskich. Rozpad systemu jałtańskiego i powstanie układu multipolarnego stał się wyzwaniem dla kształtowania nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej Turcji, osłabił równocześnie jej związki z Zachodem. Ankara uwierzyła bezkrytycznie we własny potencjał i możliwości pełnienia roli mocarstwa regionalnego i państwa euroazjatyckiego budującego swoje wpływy na obszarze dawnego Imperium Otomańskiego. Wydaje się jednak, że bezkrytyczna samoocena i wygórowane ambicje przerosły możliwości polityków tureckich. ; Since the founding of the republic in 1923, Turkey has been geared towards westernization and building close contacts with European states. Even after the end of World War II and the emergence of the bipolar system, it decided on membership of the capitalist bloc as an ally within NATO and aspired to membership in the European Communities. The disintegration of the Yalta system and the creation of the multipolar system became a challenge for shaping new directions in Turkey's foreign policy, and at the same time weakened its links with the Western allies. Ankara has started to believe uncritically in its own potential and capacity to act as a regional power and Eurasian state that was building its influence in the area of the former Ottoman Empire. It seems, however, that uncritical self-esteem and excessive ambition have outstripped the possibilities of Turkish politicians.