Suchergebnisse

Government data are drawn on to explore the relationship between the economy, foreigners, & right-wing violence in Germany, 1971-1995. Simple ordinary least-squares regression analysis was performed after correcting for minor time-series problems. Results indicate that the relationship between the economy & acts of right-wing violence is not simple, but is moderated by the change in the number of foreigners. Specifically, increasing unemployment has little or no effect on the change in right-wing violence, unless the number of foreigners in the country is also on the rise. While a declining economy may create psychological & physical hardship for individuals, at the aggregate level, a country's economic difficulties will not necessarily result in violence against outgroups. Thus, solving economic problems is not likely to reduce right-wing violence; instead, governments need to emphasize reducing the hostility toward immigrants & other outgroups by focusing on the root causes of this hostility, which do not appear to be economic. 1 Table, 5 Figures, 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractOver the period October 2006-July 2008, the author conducted a detailed survey of five historic buildings in Malaya constructed by 19th-century Chinese immigrants. These buildings feature roof decorations made in and imported from Shiwan 石灣, China, during that period. The decorations include scenes and figurines representing events and characters taken from Cantonese operas, Chinese legends and classical novels. In studying these decorations the author has come across several recurring themes illustrating concepts such as justice, sworn brotherhood, loyalty and courage in the face of adversity, which shed light on the cultural identities and thinking of the Cantonese migrants. In this paper these themes are interpreted against the background of the social and political circumstances in China and Southeast Asia during the period under discussion, showing how an understanding of the concerns of these Chinese migrants of the past can help one to understand contemporary migrant communities worldwide.

Defining sojourner as a migrant who is mentally oriented towards the home community, the study enquires into the attitudes of (voluntary or involuntary) sojourners from China in Canada and Chinese voluntary sojourners in Thailand. Patrilocal and patrilineal society in China. International and internal migration controlled by the People's Republic of China since the early 1950s

Focusing on the increasingly large numbers of Chinese students undertaking postgraduate programs overseas, this paper examines how international higher education shapes their subsequent career development in China. The specific focus is on their employment status, the impact of Australian higher education, and the challenges they experience upon returning home. A leading Australian university was chosen as the case study, and a mixed research method was adopted. By analyzing questionnaire and interview data, the paper argues that holding an international qualification is no longer adequate for employment success in China's competitive labor market; rather, different forms of intellectual capital need to be consolidated and utilized. Unlike the previous generation of returnees who gained prestigious positions and made changes to China's development immediately upon their return, the research finds that the current generation of sojourners faces a different and more complex set of opportunities and challenges. Although the majority of such graduates still retain an advantage in China's crowded graduate labor market, the context is much more competitive.

Abstract
This article reflects on the representations of overseas Chinese in Chinese political and popular discourses from the late Qing to World War II. It argues that contrary to prevalent views, which credit the success of the Chinese nationalist discourse in mobilizing the overseas Chinese to their re-incorporation into the Chinese nation, extraterritorial Chinese nationalism depended not so much on the rhetoric of inclusion, but rather on the separation of the overseas Chinese as a sub-ethnic group, particularly after they were "rebranded" as huaqiao, or Chinese sojourners. This analysis begins by looking at the key reasons for Chinese political activists' newfound interest in the diasporas — in soliciting huaqiao contributions to China's state-building projects — and argues that they imbued huaqiao with certain positive qualities only insofar as these made them relevant to China. The truth is, prejudices against the emigrants have persisted and Chinese within China continue to view huaqiao as uncouth, uncultured, and even "unChinese."

Beginning in the early 1950s there were tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese who chose to 'return' to the People's Republic of China (prc). Until fairly recently, little attention has been given to the approximately 600,000 ethnic Chinese who chose to immigrate to China from locations throughout Southeast Asia, as well as further afield in the first few decades after the founding of theprc. There were many factors influencing their migration to a country that many had never stepped foot on. However, it is clear that the Chinese state made a concerted attempt to rally the support (capital and immigration) of overseas Chinese communities. Many of the returnees were resettled on one of dozens of 'Overseas Chinese Farms' (huaqiao nongchang) scattered throughout the provinces of southern China. Outside of China they were considered 'Chinese' and foreign, juxtaposed against the local or 'indigenous' identities that had taken shape in tandem with the independence of former colonies in Southeast Asia and the rise of modern nationalism. Upon their 'return' to what was, for many, an imagined ancestral homeland — a country many of them had never seen — they were confronted with a different type of discrimination and suspicion than they faced 'abroad'. This was despite, and in some cases because of, certain favorable policies enacted by the party state to assist in their relocation and assimilation into society. Ironically, some of the same policies that sought to gradually assimilate them into Chinese society actually reinforced their position as 'permanent outsiders': the creation of an official 'huaqiao' legal status; institutionalized segregation in the form ofhuaqiao nongchang, huaqiao villages, andhuaqiao schools; and a resultant pariah status that did not begin to recede until after the reforms of the late 1970s. While the concept of 'huaqiao' (overseas Chinese sojourners) was falling out of use among Chinese communities abroad, the word was taking on a new meaning in theprc, both for the Chinese party state, and for those who would come to self-identify ashuaqiao/guiqiao.