Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Through a critical analysis of primary and secondary sources, this paper reconstitutes the PAIGC's main strategies and processes of diplomatic communication and engagement towards the states of the communist bloc, which were the main backers of the liberation enterprise. The paper argues that the PAIGC's diplomacy in its first four years rested on two strategies. First, it consisted of "shoe-leather" diplomacy, as its leaders regularly attended public spaces frequented by foreign diplomats and embassy officials. Second, it involved a congratulatory diplomacy, the initiating of diplomatic communication with foreign governments by deliberately using the recipient country's national days as the key motive for the message.

Abstract
The relationship between social revolutions and women's emancipation remains an unresolved controversy in historical scholarship. The ways in which various constituencies of a revolutionary movement view and relate to women's emancipation organizations raise very uncomfortable questions. Under European colonialism, no sizeable African women's movement devoted to women's liberation existed in any African territory. In anti-colonial movements, the absence of viable women's organizations working for women's liberation presented several challenges to the African feminist activists and the male-led national liberation movements. It was only after the Second World War that the demands of women across the continent converged with those of national liberation movements as women proved to be a very reliable asset. The Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC – African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde) offers a strikingly unusual example of an African national liberation movement stressing the need for equality between men and women in the context of the revolution, ensuring that women occupied leadership positions, and the União Democrática das Mulheres da Guiné e Cabo Verde (UDEMU – Democratic Union of Women of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde) in 1961. Many party members did not support this radical approach, and internal conflict among the men caused UDEMU to disband in 1966. By examining the specific challenges the women's emancipation agenda posed to the revolutionary leadership in Guinea-Bissau, this article reveals the sociocultural and gender biases among even the most advanced male leaders. This bias, I argue, is the primary reason this unique women's emancipation agenda remained unfulfilled. Further, such bias influenced disagreement among the women themselves and so hindered them from articulating and applying a coherent programme. Only by delving into these biases and divisions can historians and activists begin to understand both the essential connections between national liberation and women's liberation, and the reasons for the failure to put into practice these connections.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o nível de nacionalização dos dois maiores partidos da história da democracia bissau-guineense, visando verificar qual dos dois se nacionalizou mais, isto é, aquele que conseguiu estender mais sua influência e popularidade para mais lugares do território nacional. Verificamos esse fenômeno com base na análise rigorosa e comparativa dos dados relativos aos resultados das eleições, fornecidos pela Comissão Nacional das Eleições – CNE. Fez-se um estudo longitudinal verificando o desempenho dos dois partidos ao longo das eleições legislativas subsequentes de 2004 e 2008. Como resultado deste estudo, constatamos que o Partido Africano para Independência da Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde – PAIGC nacionalizou-se mais, ou seja, teve sua popularidade descentralizada ao longo do território nacional, ao contrário do Partido da Renovação Social – PRS.
Palavras-chave: Nacionalização. Partidos. Guiné-Bissau. PAIGC. PRS.

The end of colonialism in Africa, and the establishment of the independent states, was reached variously through peaceful ways or violent ones. In the Guinean case, the establishment of the nation-state was made possible by the development of an armed struggle for national liberation,
in which the Partido Africano da Independncia da Guin e Cabo Verde (PAIGC) played a crucial role. The victories that were achieved in the Guinean territory were largely possible due to the diplomatic efforts requested by the PAIGC representatives. The exhaustive information sent throughout
these years to the United Nations Committee on Decolonisation, and the presence of PAIGC representatives in international organisations, contributed to the positive evolution of the liberation struggle. The aim of the present article is to analyse the manner and the context in which the PAIGC
obtained international support and its significance for the process of self-determination in Guinea-Bissau.

In this paper, I argue that anti-colonial politics in the late colonial period of Cape Verde had an important diasporic content. During the 1960s, Cabo Verde began a long, increasingly violent effort to attain independence from Portugal (finally achieved in 1975). Diasporic Cabo Verdeans in the US responded in surprisingly variable ways to the political resistance claiming their national homeland. In this paper, I focus on responses by two political groups that emerged as central in the Cabo Verdean diaspora: the PAIGC-USA Support Committee and the Juridical Congress of World Cape Verdean Communities. I argue that these two groups constituted a political reification of important socio-ideological cleavages that emerged within the global Cabo Verdean community from the 1960s. The fall of Portugal's fascist regime (Estado Novo) in 1974, and the subsequent independence agreement with the African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde (PAIGC), crystalized these political differences. The zenith of intra-community, politico-ideological conflict corresponded to the Juridical Congress' declaration of independence of Cabo Verde--in reaction to what many viewed as a grab for power by the PAIGC. In short, at a key moment in Cabo Verdean history, diasporic citizens exercised critical agency in seeking to influence, and even shape, the volatile political landscape in their homeland.

The realization of the process of armed struggle for national liberation in the so called Portuguese Guinea and, consequent unilateral proclamation of the State of Guinea-Bissau in September 1973 was possible from outside the Guinean borders, through an important and strategic contribution made by the Republic of Guinea- Conakry which in 1958 had already achieved national independence. This article intends to observe the capital of the neighboring Republic of Guinea as a symbolic structuring space in the construction of ideological antagonisms based on the sociocultural and political dispute around "unity and against unity" within the African Party for Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC). The fundamental purpose is to understand the extent to which the environment generated in Conakry contributed to the cohesion or weakening of the recommended desiderates, but above all to the legacy of inherited conflicts that influenced the post-independence state building process in Guinea-Bissau. It is worth mentioning that the empirical framework is the PAIGC, the sociopolitical segments that make up its internal structure and other protagonists of the process. Keywords: Conakry, PAIGC, Unity and Conflicts, Guinea-Bissau.

This article looks at the rise and fall of political legitimacy in Bissau, Guinea-Bissau. Building on long-term fieldwork with impoverished city dwellers, it looks at the legitimacy and sociality surrounding political figures and movements in the country, commencing with the liberation movement (the PAIGC) and ending in the current situation of large-scale drug-trafficking. While the liberation movement was initially portrayed as consisting of noble (Marxist) bandits, the post-independence period has seen the former liberation heroes lose their positive symbolic presence. Established as an alternative to colonial power, the PAIGC fought for the emancipation of the country's people and the realization of an Afro-Marxist political order emanating from its native population. After independence, however, the validity of the PAIGC's claim to power started to decay and become distorted. People became disenchanted with politics, which lost its communal esteem. The imagery and discourse surrounding the PAIGC thus changed and the liberation hero's status moved from that of a social to an anti-social and eventually asocial bandit. The figure became, as such, stripped of its "social" mollifier, leaving behind merely the bandido, to use the Creole term: a predatory figure focussed on individual gain rather than collective well-being.

Resumo
Ao mesmo tempo que conduzia a luta armada contra o exército português na colónia então denominada 'Guiné Portuguesa', o PAIGC, seguindo instruções definidas por Amílcar Cabral, ensaiou uma aproximação a Cabo Verde. Entre 1959 e 1974, quadros políticos nacionalistas rumaram ao arquipélago a fim de mobilizar a população pela independência de Cabo Verde, procurando criar, em simultâneo, as condições para o desembarque de guerrilheiros nas ilhas. Neste artigo, abordaremos as características e as etapas dessa aproximação. Os testemunhos de militantes nacionalistas que então viviam na clandestinidade trazem elementos imprescindíveis para a reconstrução deste puzzle, ajudando a compreender os constrangimentos que interferiram e condicionaram a ação do PAIGC em Cabo Verde durante aquele período.

On 31 July an ICRC delegate and a doctor-delegate visited, on the Ilha das Galinhas, 33 members of the PAIGC (African Party for the Independance of Guinea and Cape Verde) to whom the Portuguese Government had granted prisoner-of-war status. The following day, the delegates went to see a sick prisoner being treated at the hospital in Bissau.