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Montenegro, a country that has been in transition for the last two decades, is trying intensively to restructure its socioeconomic system and reform the main social systems, such as the education system, health care, the judicial system, the social welfare system, etc. Numerous strategic documents have been adopted in the past decade emphasising the importance of making the country's abundant natural resources functional, and of making the utilisation of human resources in the country significantly more effective. In order to achieve improvements in one of the key areas of Montenegrin development, human resources, a reform of the entire education system was launched in the first years of 21st century. The processes of joining the European Union, whose fundamental principles are the free movement of people, goods, services and capital, have also significantly increased the need to raise the quality of the education of Montenegro's citizens and to improve the competitiveness of the Montenegrin workforce in the labour market. However, we believe that the results of PISA testing in 2006 and 2009 suggest that Montenegro is far from the proclaimed goals of reform in the field of education, and that for the coming years and decades considerable attention should be devoted to improvement of the education system. PISA tests should be understood in a much wider context, not only as a reflection of curricular reform and standards of verification and assessment of students' knowledge, but rather as a set of guidelines that indicate the direction in which to develop and improve the education system, so that society can really 'invest' in the education of young people. It is a very problematic fact that from the time of testing in 2009 until April 2011, nobody in Montenegro published any technical or scientific analysis of the success, or rather failure, of Montenegrin students in PISA testing. We believe that the use of this study should be significantly increased; not for comparing academic achievements with those of students from other countries, but primarily for improving educational policy and defining the strategic orientation of the development of the education system in Montenegro. Therefore, the absence of analysis implies an absence of certain professional activities focused on training teachers and improving the quality of students' knowledge. (DIPF/Orig.)

This paper analyzes the importance of governance of international organizations (IOs) to Swiss policy making in the field of education. The focus is on the Bologna Process driven by the European Commission, and the 'Programme for International Student Assessment' (PISA) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The theoretical framework draws on sociological institutionalism and rationalism. The results demonstrate that IOs gave impulses for domestic reforms by applying diverse governance instruments. National transformation capacities of veto-players and cultural guiding principles on education in Switzerland were not able to hinder these impulses as supposed. Instead, the empirical findings show a surprisingly high impact of IO governance instruments, particularly of standard setting, coordinative activities and discursive dissemination on reforms in Swiss education policy-making. This is because IO governance modified domestic guiding principles on education so that they matched those of the IOs. Another reason is that the domestic level strategically used the international initiatives of PISA and Bologna to overcome long-standing backlog of reform. ; Dieses Arbeitspapier untersucht die Bedeutung von Governance internationaler Organisationen (IOs) für die Schweizer Politikgestaltung im Bildungsbereich. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf dem Bologna Prozess, der von der Europäischen Kommission vorangetrieben wird, und der PISA-Studie (Programme for International Student Assessment) der OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Der theoretische Rahmen beruht auf dem soziologischen Institutionalismus und Rationalismus. Die Resultate zeigen, dass IOs durch Anwendung diverser Governance-Instrumente wichtige Impulse für innerstaatliche Reformen gaben. Nationale Transformationskapazitäten - Vetospieler und kulturelle Leitideen der Bildung - der Schweiz verhinderten dies nicht. Statt dessen demonstrieren die empirischen Befunde einen unerwartet hohen Einfluss von IO Governance-Instrumenten - insbesondere von Standard Setting, koordinativen Aktivitäten und diskursiver Verbreitung - auf die Schweizer Gestaltung von Bildungspolitik. Dies lag daran, dass IO Governance innerstaatliche Leitideen der Bildung so modifizierte, dass sie denen der IOs entsprachen. Zudem nutzten nationale Akteure die internationalen Initiativen von PISA und Bologna strategisch, um lange anhaltenden Reformstau zu überwinden.

This paper analyzes the importance of governance of international organizations (IOs) to Swiss policy making in the field of education. The focus is on the Bologna Process driven by the European Commission, and the 'Programme for International Student Assessment' (PISA) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). The theoretical framework draws on sociological institutionalism and rationalism. The results demonstrate that IOs gave impulses for domestic reforms by applying diverse governance instruments. National transformation capacities of veto-players and cultural guiding principles on education in Switzerland were not able to hinder these impulses as supposed. Instead, the empirical findings show a surprisingly high impact of IO governance instruments, particularly of standard setting, coordinative activities and discursive dissemination on reforms in Swiss education policy-making. This is because IO governance modified domestic guiding principles on education so that they matched those of the IOs. Another reason is that the domestic level strategically used the international initiatives of PISA and Bologna to overcome long-standing backlog of reform. -- Bologna Process ; Direct Democracy ; Education Policy-Making ; EU ; Federalism ; International Initiative ; International Organization ; OECD ; PISA Study ; Switzerland ; Veto-Player

This chapter [...] will present the current Swiss education system including its German and French historical roots. In the third part, the empirical analysis demonstrates that Swiss education underwent remarkable changes, which were triggered by the PISA Study and the Bologna Process - despite reform-hindering domestic settings responsible for the backlog of reforms in the 1980s and 1990s. In the fourth part, the author evaluates the influence of IO governance instruments and national transformation capacities on reform processes in Swiss education policymaking and shows how the international initiatives were able to impact on Switzerland and how they functioned as triggers for significant domestic change. The concluding part provides a final summary of main findings and points to subjects of further research. (DIPF/Orig.).

The aim of this paper was to investigate the relationship between countries' PISA study results from 2018 and a set of indices related to socio-economic inequality, such as the Gini index, human development index, or gender inequality index, along with purely economic variables, such as GDP per capita and government expenditure on education. The study covered 70 countries, consisting of 37 OECD countries and 33 non-OECD countries. Research methods included multivariate linear regression models, k-means clustering, and hierarchical clustering. Our findings revealed that the Gini index was statistically insignificant, indicating income inequality had little effect on students' PISA performance. On the other hand, the gender inequality index was the single most statistically significant explanatory variable for both OECD and non-OECD countries. Therefore, our recommendation for policymakers is simple: increase students' PISA performance, thus enhancing countries' human capital and competitiveness, and focus on decreasing gender disparity and the associated loss of achievement due to gender inequality.

Contents of the dataset on country/macro level includes nine variables considering school and education system characteristics as well as country characteristics:
number of school types/tracks for 9th grade/15-year-olds; age at first selection; preschool obligation; compulsory school years/education years (with pre-primary school); government expenditure on education, total (% of GDP); mean years of schooling; Human Development Index (HDI); Gender Inequality Index (GII); women's share of seats in parliament (in %)

The data set contains information on 82 countries and regions that participated in the PISA study. Most of the data are for the school year period of 2017/18, however older and newer data is used as well if other sources were not available. The documents used to create the dataset (including European Commisssion, OECD, education ministries) can be found in the reference list in the excel file and can be requested from the author.

The aim of this paper was to investigate the relationship between countries' PISA study results from 2018 and a set of indices related to socio-economic inequality, such as the Gini index, human development index, or gender inequality index, along with purely economic variables, such as GDP per capita and government expenditure on education. The study covered 70 countries, consisting of 37 OECD countries and 33 non-OECD countries. Research methods included multivariate linear regression models, k-means clustering, and hierarchical clustering. Our findings revealed that the Gini index was statistically insignificant, indicating income inequality had little effect on students' PISA performance. On the other hand, the gender inequality index was the single most statistically significant explanatory variable for both OECD and non-OECD countries. Therefore, our recommendation for policymakers is simple: increase students' PISA performance, thus enhancing countries' human capital and competitiveness, and focus on decreasing gender disparity and the associated loss of achievement due to gender inequality. ; Celem tego artykułu było zbadanie związku między wynikami badania PISA przeprowadzonego w poszczególnych krajach w 2018 r. a zestawem wskaźników związanych z nierównościami społeczno-ekonomicznymi, takimi jak indeks Giniego, wskaźnik rozwoju społecznego czy wskaźnik nierówności płci, oraz ze zmiennymi czysto ekonomicznymi, takimi jak PKB per capita i wydatki rządowe na edukację. Badaniem objęto 70 krajów, w tym 37 krajów OECD i 33 kraje spoza OECD. Metody badawcze obejmowały wielowymiarowe modele regresji liniowej, grupowanie k‑średnich i grupowanie hierarchiczne. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy wykazały, że wskaźnik Giniego był statystycznie nieistotny, co wskazuje, że nierówności dochodowe miały niewielki wpływ na wyniki uczniów w badaniu PISA. Z drugiej strony, wskaźnik nierówności płci był jedyną najbardziej istotną statystycznie zmienną objaśniającą zarówno dla krajów OECD, jak i spoza OECD. Dlatego nasza rekomendacja dla decydentów jest prosta: należy zwiększyć wyniki uczniów w badaniu PISA, a tym samym osiągnąć poprawę w obszarze kapitału ludzkiego i konkurencyjności krajów, oraz skupić się na zmniejszaniu nierówności płci i związanej z tym utraty osiągnięć edukacyjnych wynikających z nierówności płci.

The aim of this paper was to investigate the relationship between countries' PISA study results from 2018 and a set of indices related to socio-economic inequality, such as the Gini index, human development index, or gender inequality index, along with purely economic variables, such as GDP per capita and government expenditure on education. The study covered 70 countries, consisting of 37 OECD countries and 33 non-OECD countries. Research methods included multivariate linear regression models, k-means clustering, and hierarchical clustering. Our findings revealed that the Gini index was statistically insignificant, indicating income inequality had little effect on students' PISA performance. On the other hand, the gender inequality index was the single most statistically significant explanatory variable for both OECD and non-OECD countries. Therefore, our recommendation for policymakers is simple: increase students' PISA performance, thus enhancing countries' human capital and competitiveness, and focus on decreasing gender disparity and the associated loss of achievement due to gender inequality. ; Celem tego artykułu było zbadanie związku między wynikami badania PISA przeprowadzonego w poszczególnych krajach w 2018 r. a zestawem wskaźników związanych z nierównościami społeczno-ekonomicznymi, takimi jak indeks Giniego, wskaźnik rozwoju społecznego czy wskaźnik nierówności płci, oraz ze zmiennymi czysto ekonomicznymi, takimi jak PKB per capita i wydatki rządowe na edukację. Badaniem objęto 70 krajów, w tym 37 krajów OECD i 33 kraje spoza OECD. Metody badawcze obejmowały wielowymiarowe modele regresji liniowej, grupowanie k‑średnich i grupowanie hierarchiczne. Wyniki przeprowadzonej analizy wykazały, że wskaźnik Giniego był statystycznie nieistotny, co wskazuje, że nierówności dochodowe miały niewielki wpływ na wyniki uczniów w badaniu PISA. Z drugiej strony, wskaźnik nierówności płci był jedyną najbardziej istotną statystycznie zmienną objaśniającą zarówno dla krajów OECD, jak i spoza OECD. Dlatego nasza rekomendacja dla decydentów jest prosta: należy zwiększyć wyniki uczniów w badaniu PISA, a tym samym osiągnąć poprawę w obszarze kapitału ludzkiego i konkurencyjności krajów, oraz skupić się na zmniejszaniu nierówności płci i związanej z tym utraty osiągnięć edukacyjnych wynikających z nierówności płci.

In this paper we examine the Chinese domestic discourse centering on Shanghai's participation in the PISA study and interpretations of the 2009 results. The main focus is to examine why local education authority took part in the PISA project and how actors from the education authority use PISA as a tool to legitimize their reform stance. We adopted discourse and rhetorical analysis techniques and analyzed the data collected from newspapers and official documents. The analysis shows that the local education authority and PISA team used PISA as an external assessment tool to legitimate the pre-existing education reform measures, confirm its leadership, and appeal for the collective actions from other social groups in future reform agenda. Different interpretations of the test results by independent educators and overseas professors are demonstrated to contrast officials' framings and shed light on the rationales behind these framings. This study contributes to the theoretical discussion of how local actors use PISA to respond to domestic and international pressures on education reform and at the same time pursue local political interests.

'In diesem Artikel wird über eine qualitativ-empirische Untersuchung der Gebrauchsweisen der Kategorie der Bildungsgerechtigkeit in aktuellen Zeitungsartikeln und parteipolitischen Programmdokumenten berichtet. Ein zentrales Ergebnis der Untersuchung ist, dass in der heutigen bildungspolitischen Diskussion in Deutschland Bildungsgerechtigkeit fast ausschließlich in der Semantik der distributiven Ansätze interpretiert und dabei auf die Figur der 'Begabungsgerechtigkeit' reduziert wird. Dementsprechend bleiben die alternativen Modelle der Teilhabe- und der Anerkennungsgerechtigkeit nahezu vollständig außer Acht.' (Autorenreferat)

In December 2007 the results of the international comparison of school data 2006 were published. This time, 57 countries participated, with which the PISA-study (Programme of International Student Assessment) has enlarged its reach with each round, in particular regarding countries were education are problematic issues. Germany participated too, and again references on "education chances" and "migration background" abounded. This time however, debates were overlaid with methodical discussions and political demands, and the questions that preoccupied in particular scientists, politicians and the public sector, were whether the studies of the years 2000, 2003 and 2006 were, in fact, comparable. An article on the PISA studies and why and how the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) in Paris coordinates this comparative study on educational conditions. References. O. van Zijl

The paper presents a view of the results and progress of Albania in the Programme for International Students' Assessments 2009 (PISA 2009). The overall goal and objectives of PISA are to offer support and expertise in the field of the evaluation of educational development factors in Albania. One of the methods successfully used for monitoring the achieved progress during the given study period was the estimation and comparison of results with the results of previous PISA participations. A broader comparison of these statistics with those of other PISA participants in the Albanian region provides a real picture of the situation, showing the progress Albania has made and indicating how effective Albania's educational policies are. (DIPF/Orig.)

Der Beitrag spannt den Bogen von der gegenwärtigen Diskussion um die PISA-Ergebnisse bis zum Deutschen Bildungsrat während der 1960er- und 1970er-Jahre und lenkt dabei den Blick auch auf die OECD-Untersuchung der Bundesrepublik, die der PISA-Erhebung von 1999/2000 vorausging. In dieser Zeitspanne war das Bewusstsein auch in der Bundesrepublik maßgeblich, dass das deutsche Bildungswesen eine Reform an Haupt und Gliedern nötig habe. Dieser Erkenntnis verdankte auch der Deutsche Bildungsrat sein Entstehen, der sich vor allem die Aufgabe einer gründlichen Bildungsreform gesetzt hatte. Um so wichtiger ist die Frage, warum die Kontinuität der deutschen Bildungsmisere so lange bestehen konnte, und woran der deutsche Bildungsrat mit seinen Reformvorschlägen gescheitert ist. Ein maßgeblicher Grund scheint das Verhältnis der deutschen Erziehungswissenschaft zur Politik zu sein, das bis heute im Argen liegt. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The article covers the time from the present discussion on the results of the PISA study back to the German Educational Council of the 1960s and 70s, including the OECD study of the Federal Republic of Germany which preceded the PISA survey of 1999/2000. During that period, Germany, too, was characterized by a conviction that the German educational system was in need of a reform of both head and limbs. This insight led to the foundation of the German Educational Council, the main task of which was to initiate a fundamental educational reform. This raises the question of why the plight of German education could continue for so long and why the German Educational Council did not suceed in putting through its reforms. One of the main reasons seems to be the relation between German educational science and politics, which, even today, is not the best. (DIPF/Orig.)

In this paper we examine the Chinese domestic discourse centering on Shanghai's participation in the PISA study and interpretations of the 2009 results. The main focus is to examine why local education authority took part in the PISA project and how actors from the education authority use PISA as a tool to legitimize their reform stance. We adopted discourse and rhetorical analysis techniques and analyzed the data collected from newspapers and official documents. The analysis shows that the local education authority and PISA team used PISA as an external assessment tool to legitimate the pre-existing education reform measures, confirm its leadership, and appeal for the collective actions from other social groups in future reform agenda. Different interpretations of the test results by independent educators and overseas professors are demonstrated to contrast officials' framings and shed light on the rationales behind these framings. This study contributes to the theoretical discussion of how local actors use PISA to respond to domestic and international pressures on education reform and at the same time pursue local political interests. ; In diesem Artikel analysieren wir den innerpolitischen Diskurs Chinas über die Teilnahme Shanghais an der PISA-Studie 2009 sowie über die anschließenden Interpretationen bezüglich der Ergebnisse dieser Studie. Hierbei liegt der thematische Schwerpunkt auf der Forschungsfrage, warum die lokale Bildungsbehörde an PISA teilgenommen hat und wie relevante Akteure diese Teilnahme und die Ergebnisse der Studie als Mittel zur Legitimation von Reformen im Bildungssystem genutzt haben. Dabei haben wir auf die Methoden der Diskurs- und Rhetorikanalyse zurückgegriffen und Daten aus Zeitungen sowie offiziellen Dokumenten analysiert. Diese Untersuchung hat aufgezeigt, dass die lokale Bildungsbehörde und das lokale PISA-Team die PISA-Studie als externes Beurteilungswerkzeug genutzt hat um vorhandene Reformen zu legitimieren, die Führungsrolle der lokalen Behörden zu bestätigen und bestimmte kollektive Aktionen von anderen sozialen Gruppierungen für zukünftige Reformen zu fördern. Verschiedene Interpretationen der PISA-Ergebnisse unabhängiger Bildungsexperten, sowie im Ausland ansässige chinesische Professoren zeigen ein gegensätzliches Bild der offiziellen Interpretation und offenbaren die Gründe hinter diesen. Diese Studie trägt zur theoretischen Diskussion über den Nutzen von PISA durch lokale Behörden bei, die auf den innerstaatlichen und internationalen Druck bei Bildungsreformen reagieren und gleichzeitig lokale politische Interessen verfolgen.