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Do state-level exams in civics have a positive impact on young people's civic knowledge? We hypothesize that civics exams have the biggest effect in states where they are a requirement for high school graduation—theincentivehypothesis. We further hypothesize that civics requirements have the biggest effect on young people with less exposure to information about the U.S. political system at home, specifically Latinos and, especially, immigrants—thecompensationhypothesis. We test these hypotheses with the 2006 and 2010 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) civics test administered to high school students, and with a large national survey of 18–24 year-olds. Across the two datasets, we find modest support for the incentive hypothesis and strong support for the compensation hypothesis.

The character of civics education is dependent on the worldview in which it is embedded. Thus, citizenship education that is not explicitly committed to a vision of democratic citizenship will be shaped by the dominant ideology of our times: neo‐ liberalism. After contrasting neo‐liberal and radical democratic perspectives on civics education, we examine Australia's new civics initiative as an example of how citizenship education becomes embroiled in the broader didactic politics of neo‐ liberalism, thus undermining the democratic values of civics education. We conclude with a call for civics education that is politically committed to the values of radical democracy. Key words: democracy, new civics, neo‐liberalism, Discovering Democracy La nature de l'éducation à la citoyenneté dépend de la vision du monde dans laquelle elle s'insère. L'éducation à la citoyenneté non explicitement vouée à une vision de la citoyenneté démocratique sera donc façonnée par l'idéologie dominante de notre époque : le néolibéralisme. Après avoir comparé les points de vue opposés du néolibéralisme et de la démocratie radicale sur l'éducation à la citoyenneté, les auteurs présentent une nouvelle initiative australienne qui illustre comment l'éducation à la citoyenneté se trouve prise dans l'engrenage de la vaste politique didactique du néolibéralisme et porte ainsi atteinte aux valeurs démocratiques de l'éducation à la citoyenneté. Ils concluent en prônant une éducation à la citoyenneté qui adhère aux valeurs de la démocratie radicale. Mots clés: démocratie, nouvelle éducation à la citoyenneté, néolibéralisme, Discovering Democracy

This paper draws on extended fieldwork in San Diego County to show that suburban residents exhibit a particular set of rights-claims that they make specifically around their residence in their suburban community. These claims are largely made legitimate by homeownership and are based around maintenance of a perceived ideal lifestyle. In addition, I discuss the duties that suburban citizens feel bound to uphold. Residents of the community feel it is their duty to respect the perceived rights of others to maintain a safe, clean, and healthy community. A major focus of this suburban citizenship is an attempt to keep perceived threats away from the community. I illustrate that a suburban form of citizenship springs from a tension and uneasy synthesis between two competing conceptions of citizenship—one based on individual rights-claims and the other based on community membership and involvement.

AbstractProposal envisions exhibits tracing origin, development and processes of government.

AbstractTher eare suggestions in this for teachers wiht energy to depart from classroom routine

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of tables and figures -- 1. Introduction -- Part One. Laying foundations: national and local elections -- 2. Muslim political participation in Belgium: an exceptional political representation in Europe -- 3. Muslim political participation in Germany: a structurationist approach -- 4. Political opinions and participation among young Muslims in Sweden: a case study -- 5. Lithuanian Muslims' attitudes toward participation in the democratic political process: the case of converts -- 6. Political participation of European Muslims in France and the United Kingdom -- Part Two. Participation as integration -- 7. Muslim collective mobilisations in contemporary Europe: new issues and new types of involvement -- 8. How politically integrated are Danish Muslims? Evidence from the Muhammad cartoons controversy -- 9. Limits and potentialities of the Italian and British political systems through the lens of Muslim women in politics -- 10. Representing 'Islam of the banlieues': class and political participation among Muslims in France -- Part Three. Institutions as gateways -- 11. Creating the image of European Islam: the European Council for Fatwa and Research and Ireland -- 12. The political participation of Polish Muslim Tatars - the result of or the reason for integration? From Teutonic wars to the Danish cartoons affair -- 13. The Alevi quest in Europe through the redefinition of the Alevi movement: recognition and political participation, a case study of the FUAF in France -- 14. Leicester Muslims: citizenship, race and civil religion -- Part Four. Breaking the bounds -- 15. Muslims and electoral politics in Britain: the case of the Respect Party -- 16. Clichés are funny as long as they happen on stage: comedy as political criticism -- Notes on the contributors -- Index