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J. K. De Vree's "A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process" (see SA 26:2/78J2195) is criticized. The behavior model offered is faulted on the grounds that it is inconsistent & that it is difficult if not impossible to interpret. That the model is inconsistent is easy to see, thanks to its formal presentation. This criticism might not be very serious, due to the fact that it may be remedied through some small adjustments. The author's own interpretation of his model is not congruent with it. In particular, formulae containing variables that range over both cardinal & ordinal numbers seem impossible to interpret. It is concluded that the problems noted are due to too high a level of generality being sought. In Een reactie op De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process' (A Reaction to De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behavior and of the Political Process'), G. P. de Bruin argues that De Vree's theory is empty of empirical significance, & the theory's weakness can be traced to its mathematical axiomatic foundation. It is argued that the set theoretical concepts of ordinal & cardinal numbers have been misinterpreted, & that the whole problem of measurement in social sciences is merely 'axiomatized away'. In Een ordinale algebra en empirische theorie: een antwoord op Kritiek (An Ordinal Algebra and Empirical Theory: An Answer to Criticism), J. K. De Vree concedes that the theory is so far empty, & that the nature of its relationship to empirical data remains an unsolved problem. This is the case with all general theories & does not constitute a valid objection. It is further argued that the proposed axiomatization is nothing more than a systematization of the system of numbers & relations used in actual empirical research, & that far from axiomatizing away the measurement problem, a systematic account is given of the number system without which measurement would not be possible. A. Orianne.

Political science as an independent science was born in the Netherlands in 1948 when J. Barents was appointed the first Dutch political science professor. Political science departments exist now in 5 Dutch universities. About 900 political scientists got their BAs & 50 their doctorates in the Netherlands. Eighteen hundred students are currently majoring in political science. The 200 books published by Dutch political scientists since 1948 are surveyed. It is concluded that there has been a major advance in knowledge & insight & that much is still to be desired. From a political science viewpoint the Dutch map is a mostly blank area. Political science knowledge is fragmented. There is more analysis than synthesis. A policy of work accumulation is missing. Manpower & research funds are short. Government financial support of teaching & research is extremely limited compared to the natural sciences. 2 Tables. Modified AA.

The possible contributions of sociobiology & ethology to the political sciences are critically examined. E. O. Wilson's Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard U Press, Belknap Press, 1975) is reviewed & the key concepts of his theory are presented. The group "Science for the People" criticizes Wilson's work as racist & supportive of the status quo; their complaints are rejected as biased & unjust. The last three IPSA congresses in Munich (1970), Montreal (1973), & Edinburgh (1976) show that attempts to relate biology & political sciences exist, though they are still rare. The sessions on "Biology & Politics" in the Montreal congress are presented as an example. Here, the emphasis is on the methodological contributions of ethology to political sciences. The concept of "social systems" is seen as a major contribution to the social sciences. It demands a stronger shift toward interdisciplinary works between political & biological sciences. W. Zimmerman.

A DOCUMENTARY RECORD OF A SERIES OF CONFLICTS CONCERNING POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE U OF AMSTERDAM IS PRESENTED. ON 20 DEC 1972 THE COUNCIL OF THE DEPT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE (IN WHICH STAFF & STUDENTS ARE REPRESENTED) ADOPTED A NEW SYSTEM OF INTERDISCIPLINARY GROUPS WITHIN THE DEPT. THIS DECISION WAS THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE FOR THE PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, H. DAUDT, & 5 STAFF MEMBERS TO SUSPEND THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES. THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE U & THE U COUNCIL BECAME INVOLVED IN THIS ISSUE. ORDERED TO RESUME THEIR TEACHING ACTIVITIES, THESE CIVIL SERVANTS APPEALED TO THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT. THE DOCUMENTS PRESENTED CONSIST OF OFFICIAL LETTERS, STATEMENTS, RULINGS, & EXTRACTS FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE PUBLIC BODIES THAT DEALT WITH THE MATTER. THE CONFLICT, WHICH STANDS UNRESOLVED AT THE TIME OF PUBLICATION, CAN BE SEEN AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF MORE OVERALL DEBATE ABOUT THE POSITION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE DUTCH U'S & STUDENT ACTIVISM. HA.

The bad reputation in the social sciences of social Darwinian theories is one of the main hindrances to paying attention to ethology, the biological study of behavior. Although developments in this area of research suggest interesting implications for political science, so far, very few political scientists have dealt with these matters. First, the biological way of thinking about behavior is introduced. The object & method of ethology are dealt with, & attention is paid to the problems of function, causation, & history of behavior of animal & man. The neo-Darwinian theory of evolution, which is fundamental to ethology & to the main argument presented here, is summarized. It is concluded that morphology & behavior are both evolutionary organisms. Next, man is considered in the perspective of evolution. The belief in a rigid distinction between nature & nurture is discussed. The modern biological view that the human capacity for making culture is genetically coded is accepted. In a second part, some aspects of this biological view of behavior, relevant to political science, are discussed. From a comparison of definitions in ethology & political science, it appears that social behavior is the most important problem in both disciplines. Social scientists usually study behavior as an autonomous subject while biologists integrate their vision of behavior in the larger context of evolution. There is a fundamental similarity between ethological concepts of social behavior & some recently developed conceptions of political behavior. It is argued that relinquishing the more traditional focus of political science on state-oriented or group-centered action is an important condition.

THEORY FORMATION IN POLITICAL SCIENCE HAS HEADED TOWARD A "NEW POLITICAL ECONOMY" WITHIN WHICH 4 CLUSTERS ARE DISTINGUISHED: (1) 'SPATIAL MODELS OF PARTY COMPETITION', (2) THEORIES OF COLLECTIVE ACTION, (3) THEORIES OF ALLOCATION OF VALUES, UNDER SPECIFIC ASSUMPTIONS OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF POWER, IE COALITION THEORIES, BARGAINING THEORIES & REINTERPRETATIONS OF DUOPOLY THEORIES, & (4) THEORIES OF ADMINISTRATIVE BEHAVIOR. THE 4 CLUSTERS ARE THE RESULT OF THE INTEGRATION OF POLITICAL SCIENCE & ECONOMICS. THE SIMILARITY IN THEORETICAL STRUCTURE OF THE 4 CATEGORIES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE WITH THE CORRESPONDING THEORIES IN MICROECONOMICS, WELFARE ECONOMICS, & PUBLIC ECONOMICS CONSISTS OF THESE ELEMENTS: (A) THE PREPONDERANCE OF A DEDUCTIVE (VS INDUCTIVE) STRATEGY OF THEORY BUILDING, (B) THE 2 PREMISES OF INDIVIDUALISM & GOAL-ORIENTED BEHAVIOR, (C) PREOCCUPATION WITH VARIOUS CORRESPONDING AMENDMENTS ON ASSUMPTIONS IN THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF PERFECT COMPETITION, & (D) THE THEORY OF ADMINISTRATIVE BEHAVIOR AS BASED ON THE AMENDMENT OF THE ASSUMPTION OF PERFECT & COSTLESS INFORMATION & THE HOLISTIC ('UNITARY ACTOR') OF DECISION-MAKING IN THE THEORY OF THE FIRM. MODIFIED HA.

The state of Dutch political thought in the seventeenth century is reviewed. Three main approaches are discussed: (1) The critical approach is represented by P. de la Court, who, influenced by Hobbes, defended a more democratic type of government. (2) The historical-philological movement, represented by J. Lipsius, Boxhornius, & Burgersdijk, was based on Aristotelian metaphysical concepts to develop a more systematic base for historical research. This movement influenced the development of the typical research style of the political sciences in Germany. (3) B. de Spinoza's passion-reason theory led to an analytical political science, exemplifying the typical method of integrating theory & empirical (historical) information. Modified HA.

A GRADUAL ADAPTATION OF MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE TO THE SHIFTING ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THIRD WORLD POLITICS IS SUGGESTED. 5 PHASES ARE TRACED: (1) THE BELIEF IN THE 'WESTERN' ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE THIRD WORLD, (2) THE SURPRISE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS, (3) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS AS A 'NORMAL' & 'INSTITUTIONALIZED' PHENOMENON, (4) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY REGIME AS A 'NORMAL' POLITICAL CONSTELLATION, & (5) THE COOL ANALYSIS OF THE POLICY OUTCOMES OF MILITARY REGIMES. 8 BOOKS ARE DISCUSSED ON THE BASIS OF 6 THEMES DOMINATING MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE: (A) THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MILITARY IN POLITICS IS SERIOUSLY HAMPERED BY WEAK CONCEPT FORMATION & CLASSIFICATORY SCHEMES, (B) VARIOUS TYPES & DEGREES OF COOPERATION OF THE MILITARY AUTHORITIES FOR THE GATHERING OF INFORMATION ON THEIR ORGANIZATION ARE NOTICED; THE AWARENESS OF ENCAPSULATION & MUTILATION OF EVIDENCE IS INSUFFICIENTLY PRESENT, (C) THE COMPLEX RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOCIAL ORIGIN OF THE OFFICE CORPS, THEIR ATTITUDES, & THEIR BEHAVIORAL ACTS ARE NOT TREATED IN A SOPHISTICATED MANNER, (D) THE 'EXPLANATION' OF MILITARY INTERVENTION IN POLITICS IS FREQUENTLY PUT IN INACCURATE TERMS, (E) THE LEGITIMACY PROBLEMS OF MILITARY REGIMES ARE ANALYZED UNSYSTEMATICALLY, & (F) THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR SHOULD BE INTRODUCED AS A POSSIBLE STIMULUS & IMPEDIMENT TO MILITARY INTERVENTION & MILITARY RULE IN POLITICS. 2 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

One of the most important problems in political science is party choice. Choice problems of a general nature have been studied by psychologists & market-researchers. Models from these fields are applied to political choice behavior. Research here was based on the principles of the 'attitude-model', which incorporates cognitive & affective aspects, integrated by means of combination rules. Focus is on identification of central attributes that characterize the 14 Dutch political parties in parliament. This was done by utilizing multidimensional scaling representations & by presenting a set of prespecified attributes to a group of individuals. The investigation pointed out 3 dimensions representing the 14 parties: the leftist-religious & government dimension, the nongovernment group, & a 3rd dimension, which could not be labeled. Discrepancies between these results & those of earlier research are due to differences in methods of data collection. The need for additional information is stressed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

Typical of current work in contemporary Soviet political theory is the work of V. N. Danilenko, a specialist in French political theory which appeared in Sovjetskoje Gosoedarstvo i Pravo (1976, Apr). Danilenko analyzes some French political theorists. The needs of ideological struggle require attention to new development in bourgeois ideology. The crisis of world capitalism as well as the emergence of formerly colonial nations has created a need for a renovation of political theories. Today's interest in the typology of political systems is typical of that renovation effort. The French theorists are criticized for assuming the independence of the political & economic structures & for not recognizing the role of ideologies as well as of social & geographic factors. They absolutize political systems & study them abstractly. By contrast, Marxist-Leninist political science asserts that a political system is an expression of the relations between classes & of the means by which the dictatorship of the ruling class is enforced. Therefore, the important criteria in the classification of bourgeois systems are: the rights & liberties of the Wc, how the Wc is represented in the parliamentary institution, what share the Wc has in state power & to what extent the state is forced to respond to PO & use democratic means of government. The Soviet juridical literature is criticized for not recognizing the full diversity of bourgeois systems. However, Marxism-Leninism brings to light what all these systems have in common: they are dictatorships of the bourgeoisie. A. Orianne.

The development of a strict methodology of observation & analysis in soc sci has always met with resistance. In the current debate on this topic in the US, 2 positions can be distinguished. There are the 'theorists,' who find their inspiration in the work of recent philosophers such as H. Marcuse & J.-P. Sartre; they rate the formation of a pol'al theory as a 1st priority. Then there are the 'behaviorists,' whose first care is for sci'fic method. This contrast is reviewed on the basis of the document, "Political Science at Berkeley, An Invitation to a Discussion," which was published anonymously by a group of students. The criticism of these students can be summarized under the headings 'commitment' & 'relevance.' As far as commitment is concerned, the critics reproach the behaviorists for not taking stands in important contemporary moral issues, & for identifying with the status quo. It is argued here that what leads to acceptance of & identification with the existing pol'al order is not behaviorist methodology as such, but rather the mood of the behaviorists. As far as 'relevance' is concerned, the critics are impatient with the futile detail analysis & data collecting of the behaviorists. The behaviorists' use of a strict methodology of explanation by generalization leads to a reduction of the scope of analysis. Then only the 'easy' aspects ('easy' to quantify, 'easy' to collect, etc) are analyzed, & discontinuous developments are neglected. The argument presented here is that the lack of a dynamic theory of the pol'al process is an impediment indeed for pol'al sci, but that, again, behaviorism as such cannot be accused of being 'conservative' or 'conformistic': the refutation of race theories, for example, was rather a radical undertaking. It is concluded that for the time being it is not necessary to lay other bounds on pol'al sci than those that follow from the claims of rational debate & intellectual honesty. HA.

THE CONTOURS OF A THEORY OF STATUS POLITICS ARE SKETCHED. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IS 1ST CONSIDERED IN TERMS OF THE PLAY & COUNTERPLAY OF 3 GROUPS OF FACTORS: (1) PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS THAT DETERMINE THE AMBITION TO PARTICIPATE, (2) INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES, & (3) INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS. SECONDLY, A THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING IS CONSTRUCTED. EMPHASIS IS PUT ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLITICAL AMBITION & THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE OF THE POLITY. POLITICAL POSITIONS ARE DISCUSSED IN TERMS OF DEMAND & SUPPLY, & INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL RESOURCES ARE INTERPRETED AS A NECESSARY CONDITION OF THE INCUMBENCY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS. A MODEL CONTAINING 6 RELATIONS IS PRESENTED. 3RD IS THE INTRODUCTION OF INCENTIVES. THE THEORY OF POLITICAL STRIVING ASSUMES POLITICAL AMBITION TO VARY ACCORDING TO CHANGES IN THE LEVEL OF RESOURCES & THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS, BUT THE THEORY OF POLITICAL INCENTIVES ADDS THE ELEMENT OF SATISFACTIONS CONNECTED WITH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. INCENTIVES ARE VIEWED AS EMOTIONAL NEEDS, SUCH AS STATUS, WHICH ARE SATISFIED BY MEANS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. THE POSSIBILITY OF EXTENDING THE MODEL OF POLITICAL STRIVING IN THE DIRECTION OF STATUS IS ANALYZED. STATUS & PROGRAM ARE ASSUMED TO BE POLAR TYPES OF INCENTIVES. THE 3 VARIABLES OF THE MODEL ARE (A) POLITICAL AMBITION BASED ON EMOTIONAL NEED OF SOCIAL PRESTIGE, (B) POLITICAL RESOURCES THAT ARE PARTICULARLY SUITED FOR SUCCESSFUL PARTICIPATION IN STATUS POLITICS, & (C) STATUS POSITIONS IN THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE. THE SUPPLY OF POLITICAL POSITIONS HAS CONSIDERABLY INCREASED IN HOLLAND IN RECENT YEARS. RESEARCHING WHETHER THIS IS BECAUSE OF A TREND TOWARDS STATUS POLITICS IS A DELICATE MATTER BECAUSE OF TABOOS & POLITICIANS' DEFENSE MECHANISMS. 4 FIGURES. MODIFIED HA.

SOCIAL CONFLICTS ARE THE MOTOR OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS & POINT TO A DESIRE OR STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL CHANGES. THESE CHANGES ARE SUBSEQUENTLY REALIZED IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS, & THE RESULTS LAID DOWN IN THE LAW. DISPROPORTIONAL POSITIONAL CHANGES OF ACTORS WITHIN A SOCIAL SYSTEM BRING ABOUT CONFLICTS. POSITIONS ARE TIED TO VALUE DISTRIBUTIONS, THUS DISPROPORTIONAL DISTRIBUTIONS OF VALUES LEAD TO CONFLICTS. A SECOND APPROACH MAY BE FOLLOWED, VIZ, THE UTILITY-THEORETICAL OR THE SATISFACTION-THEORETICAL APPROACH. THIS APPROACH DEALS WITH AN ANALYSIS OF UTILITY-FUNCTIONS OF ACTORS, CONFLICT BEING DEFINED AS A POSITION ON THE SATISFACTION-SCALE. 2 FIGURES. MODIFIED HA.

State formation is defined as the growth of power resources of the state apparatus, the growth of state autonomy, & the growth of societal regulations, sanctioned by state power resources. The relationship between state formation & economic development is investigated, using the method of historical case study. It is hypothesized that growing state regulation is to be expected in periods of acute labor shortage & economic growth. It is found that "houses of correction" were founded in times of overwhelming labor surplus & mass unemployment. The reasons for the foundations of these institutions, however, are not seen as economic, but social: they were a means to fight the social & political consequences of mass unemployment, eg, poverty, crime, & political rebellion. It is concluded that state formation can be found in times of economic prosperity as well as in times of depression, when the depression has severe political or social consequences. It is the result of social & political conflicts possibly due to economic development. Modified HA.

The political arithmetic of Sir William Petty is explored as a method of investigation, in relation to his political & economic ideas. Elements of the relevant cultural background are exposed. Petty's ideas are shown to exhibit a remarkable degree of interconnectedness: political institutions, economic behavior, & demographic developments are interrelated & influence each other in producing "peace & plenty" for the country. Petty's investigation into the central concept of 'plenty' is an example of the method of political arithmetic; he attempted to express man in terms of number, weight, or measure. Modified HA.