Suchergebnisse

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

Através da Ciência periodística de Otto Groth (2011), da Teoria da Agenda e da Teoria do Gatekeeper, o trabalho traz reflexões conceituais do Jornalismo, dialogando com a proposta do Projeto Eleições Limpas e reforma política, apresentada pelo Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral (MCCE). O estudo faz o diálogo através da perspectiva de formação da opinião pública do Eleições Limpas, que prevê coleta de assinaturas ao projeto de iniciativa popular, com algumas Teorias do Jornalismo, destacando as características da "Ciência dos Jornais", do agendamento temático (público, político e midiático) e dos processos de seleção através da metáfora das forças. A proposta é analisar a tematização jornalística do projeto com interface a algumas Teorias do Jornalismo.

Apresenta a área Ciência da Informação e seus objetos de estudo no mesmo movimento em que esses objetos de estudo são pensados na interrelação com a Educação, tornando assim a questão da autoria, do uso de periódicos educacionais e o funcionamento dos grupos de pesquisa em educação, novos objetos de pesquisa revitalizados pelo aporte discursivo e pela aproximação das áreas em questão.

The aim of the present paper is to analyze the conception of science of Popper resorting to the metaphor with the game of chess that he uses in his work The logic of scientific research. We consider that by means of this metaphor it is possible to perceive that its conception of science is not reduced to the logical criterion of falsifiability as many of its critics let us envisage, nor even to define methodological rules to guide the practice of science. But the philosopher himself in establishing such analogy makes it clear the existence os rules is what science has in common with the game of chess. In our view, these rules, as well as the scientific criterion, are not sufficient to define the scientific practice, since it involves other elements such as: values, objectives, scientific community and context in which the research is carried out. Popper assumes these elements in his metaphor, but does not make them explicit. It is only in later works such as Conjectures and Refutations and The Open Society and Its Enemies that they are clearly defined. We, therefore, intend to bring to light those elements involved in the game of science in Popper in order to give greater clarity to his conception of what science is.

The situation John Godfrey Saxe describes in his 19th century poem retelling the parable of the blind men and the elephant is not unlike the birthing pains of the emerging discourse between Western and Indigenous Knowledges. In this paper I propose that the "disputations" have nothing to do with such reified notions as "clash of ideologies" or "metaphysics," but are rather more semiological in nature. Semiotics, to which linguistics belongs, is an undiscovered country whose vistas may provide more efficacious roadmaps to meaningful communications between disparate knowledges – i.e., Western Science and Indigenous Knowledge. I propose to examine a specific case of a wildlife management issue in Nunavut, Canada, whose outcomes will determine not only the viability of a species but the quality of the relationship between Inuit Qaujimaningit and Governments. The original article is in Inuktitut. ; La situación que describe John Godfrey Saxe en su poema del siglo XIX, donde cuenta la parábola de los ciegos y el elefante, no es tan diferente de las dolorosas complicaciones presentes en el discurso emergente entre los saberes occidentales y los saberes indígenas. En este artículo propongo que las "disputas" entre estos saberes no derivan de conceptos codificados como "conflicto de ideologías" o "metafísica", sino son más bien de naturaleza semiológica. La semiótica, a donde pertenece la lingüística, es un territorio ignoto cuyos panoramas pueden brindar mapas eficaces para una comunicación más llena de sentido entre saberes distintos, en este caso la ciencia occidental y el conocimiento indígena. Propongo examinar un caso específico, el tema de la administración de la vida salvaje en Nunavut, Canadá, cuyos resultados determinarán no solo la viabilidad de una especie sino también la calidad de la relación entre Inuit Qaujimaningit y los gobiernos. El artículo original está en inuktitut. ; La situation décrite par John Godfrey Saxe dans son poème du 19e siècle, qui relate la parabole des aveugles et de l'éléphant, ne diffère pas des douleurs d'élaboration des nouveaux discours entre les connaissances occidentales et indigènes. Dans le présent article, je suggère que les « conflits » n'ont rien à voir avec les notions réifiées « d'affrontements idéologiques » ou de « métaphysique », mais sont plutôt de nature sémiologique. La sémiotique, à laquelle appartient la linguistique, est un pays inconnu dont les perspectives pourraient offrir plus de détails pour des communications significatives entre les connaissances disparates – par exemple, la science occidentale et les connaissances indigènes. Je propose d'examiner un cas spécifique, le problème de gestion de la faune sauvage dans la province du Nunavut au Canada, dont les résultats détermineront non seulement la viabilité d'une espèce, mais aussi la qualité de la relation entre Inuit Qaujimaningit et les gouvernements. L'article original a été rédigé en inuktitut. ; A situação que John Godfrey Saxe descreve em seu poema do século XIX que reconta a parábola dos homens cegos e do elefante não difere das dores do parto do discurso emergente entre as sabedorias ocidentais e indígenas. Neste artigo, proponho que as "disputas" não têm nada a ver com as noções reificadas como "choque de ideologias" ou "metafísicas", mas que são, em vez disso, de uma natureza mais semiológica. A semiótica, campo ao qual a linguística pertence, é um país não descoberto cujas vistas podem proporcionar mapas mais eficazes para comunicações significativas entre sabedorias díspares, isto é, a Ciência Ocidental e a Sabedoria Indígena. Proponho-me a analisar um caso de gestão da vida selvagem em Nunavut, Canadá, cujos resultados determinarão não apenas a viabilidade de uma espécie, mas a qualidade das relações entre Inuit Qaujimaningit e governos. O artigo original está em inuktitut.

Eric Weil's modern society is characterized among other things by its conception of science. Both based on the principle of effective calculation, the understanding of its functioning and its limitations go together. Thus, analyzing modern society contemplates a discussion of the instance that functions as its self-consciousness: the conception of science that is its own, the social sciences, whose model is the science of nature. Modern science and society are understood within the scope of the Weil's category of condition. Here there is no appeal to an unconditioned principle. Therefore, the question of sense can not be made. However, it is not a question of renouncing the achievements of modern science. In Weil's view, however, it must be recognized that the question of sense can be properly made. This is because it must be put through philosophy. Our objective in the present paper is to discuss the relationship between modern society, modern science and sense. This is because if there is a science of an efficacius society there is also a science of sense: this is philosophy.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.