Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.
Published in print by Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2906-5 ; Thanks to its vitality, the art scene in Athens, faced with the economic and political crisis, is met with an increased attention by media and specialist publishers. The Catalogue and the accompanying exhibition in Berlin and Athens – running parallel to documenta 2017 in Kassel and Athens – pose crucial questions regarding the relation of economic crisis, art production and new forms of political art. A social research undertaken in 2016, interviewed and photographed Greek and international artists working in Athens in various art forms, ranging from street art, painting, sculpture and installations to photographic art. The seriousness and passion, with which the artists follow their visions under adverse life conditions, is impressive. The biographical photographic portraits of 14 artists reflect their artistic and political positions, and are in dialogue with the presented works, which results in a vivid insight into the relation of art, biography, and political crisis. The accompanying essays discuss the sociological and aesthetic conception of the "artists' exhibition", the social impact of the economic crisis in Greece, contemporary art and crisis, the importance of street art in Athens, and the art scene in the crisis. The appendix gives a description of ATLAS.ti, a software developed at Technische Universität Berlin, and its use by professionals in the field of culture. ; Die Athener Kunstszene erfährt durch ihre Lebendigkeit angesichts der ökonomischen und politischen Krise Griechenlands gegenwärtig in Medien und Fachpresse eine gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit. Der Katalog und das begleitende Ausstellungsprojekt in Berlin und Athen stellen - begleitend zur documenta 2017 in Athen und Kassel - aktuelle Fragen zum Zusammenhang zwischen ökonomischer Krise, künstlerischer Produktion und neuen Formen politischer Kunst in Griechenland. In einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Recherche im Jahr 2016 wurden in Athen tätige Künstlerinnen und Künstler interviewt und fotografiert, von der Street Art über Malerei, Bildhauerei, Installationen bis zur Fotokunst. Beeindruckend ist die Ernsthaftigkeit und Leidenschaft, mit der die Kunstschaffenden, zum Teil unter großen Entbehrungen, ihre Visionen verfolgen. 14 biografisch-fotografische Künstlerporträts reflektieren die jeweilige künstlerisch-politische Position und treten in einen Dialog mit den ausgestellten Werken, so dass sich ein lebendiger Einblick in das Verhältnis von Kunst, Biografie und politischer Krise ergibt. In den begleitenden Essays werden die sozialwissenschaftlich-ästhetische Konzeption der "Künstler-Ausstellung", die sozialen Folgen der Krise in Griechenland, die griechische Gegenwartskunst und die besondere Bedeutung der Street Art in Athen diskutiert. Im Anhang wird ATLAS.ti, eine an der TU Berlin entwickelte Software, in ihrer Bedeutung für Kulturschaffende vorgestellt. ; Χάρις στη ζωτικότητά της, η καλλιτεχνική σκηνή στην Αθήνα, εν καιρώ οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης, κινεί το ενδιαφέρον τόσο των ΜΜΕ όσο και των εκδοτών του είδους. Ο Κατάλογος μαζί με την συνοδευτική έκθεση σε Αθήνα και Βερολίνο -η οποία θα γίνει παράλληλα με την έκθεση "documenta 2017", που θα παρουσιαστεί στο Κάσσελ της Γερμανίας και στην Αθήνα- εγείρουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα γύρω από τη σχέση οικονομικής κρίσης, καλλιτεχνικής παραγωγής και νέων μορφών πολιτικής τέχνης. Μια κοινωνιολογική έρευνα, που πραγματοποιήθηκε το 2016, φωτογράφησε και πήρε συνεντεύξεις από διάφορους καλλιτέχνες, Έλληνες και μη, που δουλεύουν στην Αθήνα με ποικίλες μορφές τέχνης, από street art, εικαστικά, γλυπτική και εγκαταστάσεις μέχρι και φωτογραφία. Η σοβαρότητα και το πάθος με τα οποία οι καλλιτέχνες ακολουθούν το όραμά τους υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες, προκαλεί αίσθηση. Τα φωτογραφικά πορτρέτα των 14 καλλιτεχνών αντανακλούν τις καλλιτεχνικές και πολιτικές αντιλήψεις τους, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συνδιαλέγονται με τα παρουσιαζόμενα έργα, προσφέροντας έτσι μια διεισδυτική ματιά στη σχέση τέχνης, βιογραφίας και πολιτική κρίσης. Τα συνοδευτικά άρθρα, πραγματεύονται την κοινωνιολογική και αισθητική σύλληψη της "έκθεσης των καλλιτεχνών", τις κοινωνικές επιδράσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, τη σχέση σύγχρονης τέχνης και κρίσης, τη σημασία της τέχνης του δρόμου στην Αθήνα και την καλλιτεχνική σκηνή εν καιρώ κρίσης. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζεται το λογισμικό "ATLAS.ti", που δημιουργήθηκε στο Technische Universität του Βερολίνου, καθώς και η χρήση του από επαγγελματίες στον χώρο του πολιτισμού.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Dans cette approche on aborde la question des facteurs principaux qui ont déterminé ou influencé l'historiographie espagnole pendant les dernières décennies: d'une part, les conditions politiques et surtout la présence du régime franquiste. Et d'autre part, les facteurs scientifiques, propres à la science de l'histoire. On examine les directions générales de l'historiographie du pays, de sa thématique et de sa méthodologie, ainsi que les interprétations de l'histoire espagnole proposées par les historiens, avant la guerre civile, pendant le régime franquiste et après la consolidation de la démocratie dans le pays. On constate que les facteurs politiques, bien qu'importants, ne sont pas les seuls qui ont influencé les sciences sociales. La situation de l'historiographie avant la guerre civile, la tradition conservatrice catholique, renforcée par le régime franquiste, la tradition libérale et d'autres facteurs liés aux sciences sociales, ont joué un rôle significatif dans le processus historiographique. Après la saturation de l'historiographie dithyrambique et nationaliste des années quarante, on assiste à un renouvellement de la science, dans les années cinquante, dû, en partie, à l'ouverture timide du régime et aux relations scientifiques avec d'autres pays. Sur la base de ce renouvellement, où la figure de Jaime Vicans Vives prédomine, s'effectuent toutes les transformations de la thématique, de la méthodologie et d'interprétation qui caractérisent la science de l'histoire dans les années suivantes.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Eleni Fournaraki, «Wherefore deprive her of the vote?». Universal male suffrage and the exclusion of women from politics in 19th century Greece Through study of the Greek case, this article tries to explore the exclusion of women from political rights in the context of liberal democracy as a historiographical problem. In contrast to the vast majority of representative states at the time, political circumstances prevailing in Greece led to the constitutional establishment of universal male suffrage in 1864, though not without provoking the discontent of a sizeable portion of the political scene for several years thereafter. According to «conventional» historical accounts, there can be no doubt that women's exclusion from «universal suffrage» in 1864, while not explicity articulated in the Constitution or any pertinent legislation, was regarded as self-evident. Furthermore, prior to 1910-20 the possibility of attributing the vote to women did not preoccupy party politics, while a suffragist movement did not appear before the Inter-war period. Our own approach can be summarized as follows: exploration of the meaning of women's exclusion from political rights in a democratic conjuncture that assured those rights to all adult men may reveal the full dimensions of the conflict dynamic that democratic conquests presuppose. In the first place, this dynamic applies to men themselves, or more precisely to the less privileged among them. As empirical data reveal, the question of women's political rights, even if acquiring those rights was not an existing possibility, could appear as a constructive element of the political discourse: women's exclusion could have been put forward as one of the issues in the argument against universal male suffrage. It is precisely the self-evident and trivial nature of this exclusion together with that of children which could offer a more convincing argument against the conception of suffrage as a natural right. A lack of internal coherence and consistency in the argument of the advocates of «universal suffrage», could be pointed out through the emphasis, conversely, on the irrationality of a regime that guaranteed political participation down to the very last «illiterate» or «vagrant» man, while depriving all women of the vote, especially those who had the ability to possess and administrate property. Support for suffrage for those women was not totally absent from such argumentation, which served to reveal the contradictions that women's exclusion from political rights brought to the heart of the modern system for the legitimization of sovereignty. Through examination of the arguments employed by the science of constitutional law to justify exclusion, we observe a broader process of redefinition and rationalization of the existing gender hierarchy, in modern terms. Crystallized in the last quarter of 19th century, this process appealed to the notion of the biological and psychological «specificity» of «female nature)) in order to legitimize the incompatibility of women as a whole with politics.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Powerful revisionist currents are now flowing through the social sciences against what have been termed «society-centred» modes of explanation. The swift away from social determination has centred on the problem of the material referent of political motivation. This essay, talking about the language, wants to discuss some of the most problematic legacies of the social historical methodology. Linguistic turn in history focuses on the ways meaning is constituted in and through language in order to explain the world. Discourse is the organising concept term for conceptualising and practising the history of meaning. Discourse operates so as to structure thought and speech in certain ways and to preclude being structured in others. The problem of organising a social identity becomes one of representation: ideas certainly do matter, but the ways in which they matter, indeed their very existence as identifiable ideas, depend on processes of institutional and cultural mediation. That's why there is always an element of discordance between «social being» and its interpretation in «social consciousness». The disequilibrium results from the fact that their linkage is a product of human convention. People's responses to their experiences help shaped social change.
ABOUT LITERACY, HERESY, ICONOGRAPHY AND POLITICAL AMBITION ON THE SEALS OF NIKEPHOROS BOTANEIATES The scarce information of the 11th-c. historians on the long military career of Nikephoros Botaneiates before his ascension to the throne is supplemented to a great extent by 31 lead seals of Botaneiates, today kept in private and museum collections in more than seven countries around the world. The epigraphic and iconographic study of this sigillographic material reconstructs the social ascent and military activities of the future emperor, while at the same time it sheds light on his personality (level of culture, religious sensitivities, political ambition) and the socio-political conditions of his era. ; ABOUT LITERACY, HERESY, ICONOGRAPHY AND POLITICAL AMBITION ON THE SEALS OF NIKEPHOROS BOTANEIATES The scarce information of the 11th-c. historians on the long military career of Nikephoros Botaneiates before his ascension to the throne is supplemented to a great extent by 31 lead seals of Botaneiates, today kept in private and museum collections in more than seven countries around the world. The epigraphic and iconographic study of this sigillographic material reconstructs the social ascent and military activities of the future emperor, while at the same time it sheds light on his personality (level of culture, religious sensitivities, political ambition) and the socio-political conditions of his era.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Photini Danou, The words of the voiceless Did ordinary men and women in pre-modern England have an opinion about politics? What was "politics" for the common people at a time when they had not any say in choosing who would rule them? Was popular engagement in state politics only to secure subsistence? Were "knife and fork" politics of the masses so separate from issues of "high politics" of the State? Was pre-modern commoners' mentality, "pre-political" as well? This paper discusses early modern popular political awareness. I argue that commoners in Tudor England pursued their own political agenda, by exploiting the sovereign's self-image as the "protector of the poor". However, as I set out to show, in pursuing their political agenda commoners also raised issues on the content of Englishness, common good, patriotism, legitimate governance and the right of resistance. The political identity of the lower strata was not an entity fixed in its essence. On the contrary, plebeian political identity was rather shifting, changeable, and always constituting its content in particular historical contexts. The commoners' commitment to the ideal of the"nation", their loyalty to the government, their allegiance to their Queen, their obedience to her laws, or their active participation in the enforcement of state policies were not unconditional. The ways they practiced their political identity was interrelated to their superiors' behavior and draw its legitimacy from the public transcript of the English Common wealth. Common prosperity, reciprocity, solidarity and, in general, protection of the poorer and weaker members of English society were ideals that constituted the meaning of "common wealth" in the plebeian mind. Those ideals were prerequisites for their giving of devotion and loyalty to the state. Thus, the commoners' political mentality and behavior ranged from national loyalty to indifference or even animosity to state officials; from cooperation and acquiescence to covered or overt forms of opposition and active resistance.
Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.
Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Spyridon Ploumidis, The notion of 'death' in the Greek Revolution (1821-1832): Ideological perceptions and political practice The evolution of Greek nationalist ideas signified the passage from patria to the nation. The eruption of the revolution influenced the way the Greeks perceived the notion of 'death'. Since, the struggle for independence was massive, death also became collective. The Greek revolutionaries claimed that the Sultan was intent on slaughtering the entirety of the Greek nation. This was not true, yet the death toll of the Greek Revolution exceeded the traditional limits of earlier Christian rebellions, and the number of dead is estimated between 230,000 and 600,000. Massacres occurred beyond the limits of the Peloponnese (in Constantinople, Smyrna, Chios at el.), and every Greek-speaking Orthodox individual became a potential victim of the revengeful Ottomans. The Ottoman atrocities drew the imaginary geographical boundaries of the Greek 'national' space. Nevertheless, Greeks were not the only victims of the War of Independence. By 1833, around 63.000 Muslims ('Turks') were either killed or expelled from the territory of the Greek state. Vengeance and hatred against the 'Turks' was a tenet of the Greek revolutionary agenda. In addition to its new collective nature, the notion of 'death' acquired during the Greek Revolution a new, political meaning. Koraes and Rigas had already prepared the ground for the grounding of their fellow-Greeks in this new perception. 'Death' came to describe 'slavery', 'tyranny', 'oligarchy' and submission to the 'Turks'. Natural death came to be seen as preferable to a meaningless life without Koraes' 'natural rights' (equality, rule of law, etc.). To this end, the Third National Assembly of the Greeks pronounced in 1827 the notion of 'political death'. The term 'death' in the revolutionary motto 'Freedom or Death' (Ελευθερία ή Θάνατος), which drew on the French maxim La Liberté ou la Mort, had by and large this political significance. The determination of the Greek revolutionaries to achieve freedoms and rights at the cost of their life is found in several official declarations and statements. General Spyromilios clarified that (life or) 'death' was hence forward a matter of 'national existence' and not of 'personal existence', i.e. it was primarily a collective and political issue. This ideological development was an outcome of secularization. Secular freedom was deemed to be hierarchically a superior value to the religious tolerance, which the Orthodox enjoyed within the Ottoman millet system. For that matter, the attainment of independence in 1830 was hailed by the protagonists as the 'resurrection' of the Greek nation.
Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority. ; Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.
Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of cultural propaganda in formulating and conducting foreign policy aiming at political supremacy and cultural penetration within the overall context of the ideological conflict between East and West during the Cold War era. Educational and cultural exchanges and other events of a nominali}'' nonpolitical nature are examined within their political context. In particular, the paper observes Anglo-Soviet relations over Greece. These relations turned increasingly hostile in mid-February 1945. Around that time a marked intensification of Soviet propaganda occurred. In July 1945, the Greek-Soviet League was established. It is interesting that, in response, the British Foreign Office concidered that the British Council in Athens should be reinforced and acquire a permanent representative. It was also decided to reopen the question of the Anglo-Greek Cultural Convention that was signed in 1940 but never ratified. This presentation seeks to examine the purpose of establishing these two cultural agencies, their staffing, the funding of their activities, the content of their cultural programmes, and the profile of their Greek supporters, both state officials and private individuals. How successful was the effort by the British Council and the Greek-Soviet League to promote their cultural programmes and what was the impact of these programmes on Greek public opinion? How did their cultural initiatives continue during the Greek Civil War? On the basis of the sources available, did each agency, and if so to what degree, enjoy the support of the country it represented? The comparative study of British and Soviet cultural propaganda in Greece will contribute to understanding the differences and similarities in the means used by each country to achieve its political ends in Greece.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas E. Lambrinos, Nobles and Cittadini in the Community of Venetian Sitia. Social Fermentations and Rearrangements (late sixteenth-seventeenth century) This study highlights the community of upper social class in Sitia, a small town in eastern Crete, in the late period of the Venetian dominion. Using new evidence from the State Archives of Venice, the article examines unknown aspects of the topic, such as the social identity of the community council (the so-called consiglio della comunità), the political functions and the evolution of this body, its internal social rearrangements and its particularities by comparison with the community dynamics in the other Cretan towns. The archival data indicate that this socio-political organ played a central role in local public life, but had a secondary position within the Venetian political system. Regarding its social composition, the community originally consisted of nobles-feudatories, according to the model of strict social organization in the island under Venetian rule. However, multiple factors of crucial importance, such as the small number of nobles in Sitia, the inadequate fortification of the town and the increasing financial needs of this region, had a catalytic effect on the local social fabric and, consequently, on the structure of the community: in the early seventeenth century it lost its aristocratic profile and acquired characteristics, which differentiate it from the other community entities of Crete. This decisive evolution occurred with the social advancement of the cittadini. Τhis intermediate social group acquired, with the consent of the Venetian authorities, the right to participate in the community in order to meet government targets in this politically sensitive area of the island. Hereinafter the cittadini had an increasingly strong presence in the community processes, gained more social power and enjoyed privileges previously monopolized by the aristocracy.
