U radu se iznose rezultati provedene analize sadržaja izbornih programa političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, uz kratko uvodno objašnjenje kako je došlo do slobodnih demokratskih izbora i tko je sve sudjelovao u njima. Provedena analiza ukazuje na sadržaj ponuđenih političkih ideja, te opis morfologije tržišta političkih ideja uspostavljenih kroz predizbornu kampanju. Analiza obuhvaća programe 34 stranke i u njima prali 17. tematskih cjelina. Analizom je utvrđeno da su sličnosti u programima stranaka daleko prisutnije od razlika. Međutim, bitne razlike se pojavljuju na ključnim temama. Tako se razlike mogu pratiti na temi federacija - konfederacija, Monocentrični - policentrični razvoj Hrvatske, Jačanje nacionalnog identiteta kulture - Pluralizam nacionalnih kultura i odnos prema materinstvu i abortusu. Analizom je, takođe, utvrđeno da su najčešće teme predizbornih programa bile: Pravna država (91,2 %) i poduzetništvo i privreda (70,6 %). Uzrok lome, po mišljenju autora, treba svakako tražiti u napuštanju jedno si ranačnih monopola, kao i posvemašnjoj ekonomskoj krizi privređivanja u Hrvatskoj. ; In this paper the results of a content analysis of political parties' election programmes in Croatia are presented, preceded by a short introduction referring to the occurrence of free democratic elections and all their participants. Outlined in the analysis is the substance of the political ideas offered and also the description of the morphology of the political ideas' market established in the election campaign. The analysis consists of 34 party programmes from which 17 topics have been selected for study. The results indicate many more similarities than differences among the party programmes. However, the major differences appear where the key topics are concerned, which enables their observation through the following oppositions: federation - confederation, monocentric - polycentric development of Croatia, promotion of national cultural identity - pluralism of national cultures and finally, differing attitudes towards motherhood and abortion. The most frequent topics appearing in election programmes, according to the results of the analysis are: the civil state (91,2%) and enterprising and economy (70,6%). It is the opinion of the authors that this arises from the abandonment of the one-party monopoly as well as from the overall economic crisis in Croatia.
Ideja menadžmenta ima u stanovitom smislu univerzalno značenje zbog čega se primjena te ideje široko rasprostranila, a našla je mjesto i u institucijama odgoja i obrazovanja, i to najviše kao organizacijski menadžment, menadžment ljudskih potencijala, menadžment razina (1. najviša — ciljevi, dugoročno planiranje i organizacija, 2. srednja — kontrola operativnih postupaka i programi potpore ciljevima, 3. najniža — interpretacija ciljeva, politika programa), strategijski menadžment (dugoročno), i menadžment funkcija (koliko funkcija toliko menadžment programa). Menadžerske funkcije odnose se na ono što valja postići, a to su najčeπće planovi, strategije, dobra organizacija, kvalitetno vođenje i uspješna kontrola. Slijedi da se na pedagoški menadžment može gledati kao na upravljanje mrežom i hijerarhijom sustava (vrtić, grupa — škola, razred). Posebnost vođenja i upravljanja odgajatelja, razrednika i nastavnika može se razmatrati kao pedagoška uloga odgajatelja u vođenju i upravljanju, pedagoška uloga razrednika u vođenju i upravljanju, administrativni poslovi, planiranje i programiranje rada voditelja tima (razrednika), pripremanje i vođenje sjednica vijeća, suradnja s ostalim članovima vijeća, suradnja s roditeljima i sl. ; The idea of management in a certain way has a universal meaning, causing the wide spreading of this idea, which also found its place in the educational institutions, primarily as organizational management, human resources management, levels management (1. the highest level — objectives, long-term planning and organization; 2. the intermediate level — the control of operative procedures and objective supporting programs; 3. the lowest level — objectives interpretation, program policy), strategic management (long-term) and function management (the number of functions corresponding to the number of management programs). The management functions concern the purposes to be achieved, which are usually plans, strategies, good organization, quality leadership and successful control. Therefore, it follows that the educational management can be viewed as management of the system network and hierarchy (kindergarten, group — school, class). The specificity of leadership and management in case of kindergarten teachers, form-masters and teachers can be discussed as the pedagogical role of the kindergarten teacher in the leadership and management, the pedagogical role of the form-master in the leadership and management, administrative work, the team leader's (form-master's) work planning and programming, preparation and chairing of teaching-staff conferences, cooperation with other teaching-staff members, cooperation with parents, etc. ; Die Idee des Menagements hat im gewissen Sinne eine universelle Bedeutung, weshalb die Anwendung dieser Idee weit verbreitet ist und ihren Platz auch in den Bildungs-und Erziehungsanstalten fand. Dabei handelt es sich meistens um Organisationsmanagement, Management von menschlichen Potenzialen, Management von Ebenen (1. höchste — Ziele, langfristige Planung und Organisation, 2. mittlere — Kontrolle der Operatiomalisierungsverfahren und Programme zur Unterstützung der Zielsetzungen, 3. niedrigste — Interpretation von Zielsetzungen, Programmpolitk), strategisches Management (langfristig) und funktionales Menagement (für jede Funktion ein Managementprogramm). Die Funktionen des Managements beziehen sich auf das zu Erreichende, und das sind am häufigsten Pläne, Strategien, gute Organisation, gute Leitung und erfolgreiche Kontrolle. Daraus folgert, dass das pädagogische Management als eine Art der Verwaltung von Netzen und hierarchisch aufgebauten Systemen (Kindergarten, Gruppe — Schule, Klasse) betrachtet werden kann. Die Besonderheit der Führungs-und Leitungsrolle von Erziehern, Klassenlehrern und Lehrern kann unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten besprochen werden: pädagogische Erzieherrolle in der Leitung und Verwaltung, pädagogische Klassenlehrerrolle in der Leitung und Verwaltung, administrative Aufgaben, Planung und Programmierung der Arbeit von Teamleitern (Klassenlerern), Planung und Leitung von Sitzungen der Lehrerkonferrenz, Mitarbeit mit anderen Mitgliedern der Lehrerkonferrenz, Mitarbeit mit den Eltern usw.
The author considers the attmept at the poli ti cal disqualification of the fifth edition of the Croatian Orthography by Babić, Finka and Moguš. She points out a tendency on a part of the Croatian political circles to diminish its linguistic quality and to direct the development of the Croatian language and orthography towards the positions of the imposed Novi Sad Orthography.
U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.
Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.
Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.
Čovjekove spoznaje o zdravlju i bolesti nisu jedinstvene. Načini na koje se zdravlje i bolest shvaćaju izravno su povezani sa stanjem i odnosima u društvu, odnosno ponašanjem osobe i skupine. Sociološka istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti proučavaju društvene čimbenike koji mogu izazvati razne bolesti i nepovoljno utjecati na njihov razvoj i ishod. Istražujući stanje u društvu, nastoji se pronaći takve oblike društvenoga života koji unapređuju zdravlje i sprečavaju nastanak bolesti. Tipično pitanje kojim se sociološka istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti bave jest: kako stil života, spol, dob, rasa, društveno-ekonomske, socio-kulturne i druge razlike među ljudima utječu na kvalitetu zdravlja te na pojavu bolesti i njezin ishod? Osnovni cilj ovih istraživanja jest učiniti te spoznaje pristupačnima svim slojevima stanovništa, bez obzira na društveni položaj. Na taj su se način društvene znanosti, posebice sociologija medicine, etablirale kao akademska disciplina u zapadnim razvijenim državama (SAD-u, Njemačkoj itd.), gdje su se razvile odgovarajuće metode istraživanja koje postižu nedvojbene rezultate o stanju, razvoju i projekcijama društva. U realizaciji socioloških istraživanja zdravlja i bolesti u hrvatskim društvenim znanostima potrebno je afirmirati sociološki teorijsko-metodološki pristup primjeren ekonomskim, kulturnim, pravnim, etičkim i političkim promjenama u Hrvatskoj na pragu XXI. stoljeća. Služeći se bogatim iskustvima sociologije medicine zapadnih zemalja, prije svega SAD-a, hrvatski sociolozi medicine trebaju pratiti stanje zdravlja tranzicijskoga društva u kojemu dominiraju konflikti, diferencijacija, marginalizacija dijela društva i nemezis. Na taj način društvene znanosti pomoći će u spoznaji društva o sebi i potrebnim mjerama u njegovoj izgradnji tijekom složenoga procesa tranzicije, što ima izravan utjecaj na zdravstvene, ali i na općedruštvene ishode. ; There is no idea of sickness and health which would be the same for all people. Different ways of understanding sickness and health are directly ...
Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove srednjoškolskih učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora o nekim europskim vrijednostima. Prihvaćenost pojedinih europskih vrijednosti ispitana je s obzirom na spol, dob, vrstu srednje škole koju pohađaju učenici, školsku spremu roditelja, regionalnu i nacionalnu pripadnost ispitanika. Uzorak čini 2143 učenika srednjih škola, 1027 roditelja srednjoškolaca te 181 profesor. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da postoji statistički značajna razlika među učenicima s obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti. Najviši stupanj prihvaćanja iskazuju učenici Primorsko-goranske županije, koji se značajno razlikuju u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti od svojih vršnjaka iz Istarske županije. Učenici starije dobi pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti za razliku od mlađih učenika. Isto tako, srednjoškolke pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti u odnosu na svoje muške kolege. Postoji statistički značajna razlika između roditelja muškog i ženskog spola u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrednota u korist muških ispitanika, koji pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrednota od ženskih ispitanika. Na kraju, dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da ne postoji statistički značajna razlika u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti s obzirom na spol, dob i nacionalnu pripadnost profesora srednjih škola. ; The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of high school students, their parents and teachers towards some European values. The acceptance of certain European values was examined in relation to subjects' gender, age, type of high school, parents' education, regional and national affiliation. The sample comprised 2143 high school students, 1027 high school students' parents and 181 teachers. The results show the statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values between students of different regional affinity. Students from the Primorsko-goranska county show the highest level of acceptance, which is statistically different from the one obtained in their peer group from Istarska county. The degree of acceptance is higher in the group of older female students in comparison with younger male students. Furthermore, female high school students show higher degree of acceptance then their male peers. There is a statistically significant difference in the acceptance of European values between male and female parents: male parents show higher acceptance of those values in comparison with female parents. Finally, the results showed no statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values in regard to gender, age and national affiliation of high school teachers. ; Die Untersuchung hatte zum Ziel, die Einstellungen von Mittelschülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern zu einigen europäischen Werten zu überprüfen. Die Akzeptanz einzelner europäischer Werte wurde im Hinblick auf Geschlecht und Alter der Mittelschüler, Art der von ihnen besuchten Mitelschule, Schulausbildung der Eltern, regionale und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Befragten untersucht. Befragt wurden 2143 Mittelschüler, 1027 Eltern von Mittelschülern und 181 Lehrer. Auf Grund der gewonnenen Ergebnisse kann gefolgert werden, dass der Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte unter den Schülern eine statistisch bedeutende Abweichung im Hinblick auf deren regionale Zugehörigkeit aufweist. Die größte Akzeptanz äußerten die Schüler aus dem Kroatischen Küstenland (Hrvatsko primorje), deren positive Einstellungen sich bedeutend von den Einstellungen ihrer Altersgenossen aus Istrien unterscheiden. Die Schülerinnen höherer Altersstufen äußerten eine höhere Akzeptanz europäischer Werte als die jüngeren Schüler. Gleichermaßen zeigen die Mittelschülerinnen einen höheren Zustimmungsgrad als deren männliche Kollegen. Es gibt einen statistisch bedeutsamen Unterschied zwischen den Eltern männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts im Hinblick auf deren Akzeptieren von europäischen Werten zugunsten der männlichen Befragten, die einen höheren Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte aufweisen als die weiblichen Befragten. Darüber hinaus lassen die gewonnenen Ergebnisse den Schluss zu, dass es keinen statistisch bedeutenden Unterschied im Grad der Annehmbarkeit europäischer Werte gibt im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, Alter und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Mittelschullehrer.
Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.
Na temelju uvida u arhivske dokumente, novine i literaturu u članku se razmatra kako je partijski 'brionski plenum' iz 1966. koji se bavio zloupotrebama u radu Službe državne sigurnosti primljen u hrvatskoj političkoj javnosti tog doba. ; The article presents a public echo of the 1966 party conference which dealt with the misuses of the State Security Services (SDS). The issue is described in four parts: the Brijuni Plenary as a subject of investigation in domestic and foreign literature; chronology of events; discussions in political organizations and newspapers; the dossiers - police documentation on citizens. In the literature, the political fall of Aleksandar Ranković, the founder and for a long time leading figure of that agency, is considered as a political struggle for power or the outcome of the confrontation between "reformist" and "conservative" stream in the Union of the SKJ. The chronology deals with the time between the "Plenary", July 1 - 2, 1966 and the adoption by the Federal Parliament of Yugoslavia of the new law of internal affairs by the end of the same year. In December of that year Josip Broz Tito issued a clemency to S. Ranković and fifteen other highest officials of that agency. The discussion in the political organizations and newspapers showed that political activists, and "simple" people as well, think that the responsibility for the misuses lie not only on individuals but on the way the organization was structured and on the unlimited power it had. The party leadership tried to subdue those criticisms, because they did not want to be left without the most valuable partner in the system of power. The public was also made aware of a great number of private dossiers - the police documentation on citizens which came into existence in the preceding twenty years. The most diligent was the SDS in Croatia, which amassed one million tree hundred thousand such dossiers.
Između dva svjetska rata u Sisku i okolici djelovalo je više političkih stranaka. Zastupale su različite programe, a njihove organizacije bile su sastavni dijelovi stranaka čija su vodstva bila u Zagrebu i Beogradu. Njihov utjecaj i politička snaga pouzdano se mogu ustanoviti tek po rezultatima koje su postizavale na izborima za Narodnu skupštinu. U ovom prilogu upravao je obrađeno sudjelovanje političkih stranaka u skupštinskim izborima u sisačkoj izbornoj jedinici, a oni su se u jugoslavenskoj državi između dva rata održali sedam puta. Po izbornim rezultatima može se zaključiti da se velika većina birača Siska i okolice izjašnjavala za federalizam, a protiv unitarizma i velikosrpske hegemonije. ; In the period between the two world wars there were several political parties active in Sisak and its surroundings. They all were fractions of larger parties with leaderships in Zagreb or Belgrade. They represented various programs, and their force and influence can be reliably established only through the results they had achieved during parliamentary elections. In this paper the author deals with the participation of political parties in the elections for the Parliament in Sisak region, and there were seven elections in Yugoslavia between the two wars. According to the results of the elections, conclusions can be made about orientation of the electors in Sisak region, and thus also about their political preferences and backing of particular political programs. Only in the first elections (in 1920) difference of opinion between cities and country was manifested. The electors in Sisak region were oriented to several political parties the programs of which met their vital interests. But in most of them the Croatian national feelings predominated. Until the dictatorship of the 6th January they mostly supported Stjepan Radić and his Croatian (republican) Peasant Party. It was the orientation to federalism, and against unitarianism and great Serbian hegemony. The electors followed Radić even when he made his well known political turn and recognized the Monarchy and Vidovdan Constitution. After Radić's death, most of the electors in Sisak region supported Dr. Vladko Maček. At the elections in 1931, during the dictatorship of the 6th January, the only list of candidates in Sisak was that of the government. The electors' attitude towards this list was best shown by their abstinence. At the elections in 1935 and 1938 most of them voted for the oppositional list with Dr. Maček at its head. That meant that they continued to support the program of equality of peoples in Yugoslavia and looked for resolution of the Croatian question in establishing federalism. Such orientation fitted into the Croatian national movement which extended all over Croatia.
Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.
Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.
Autorica u članku analizira položaj Dubrovnika u prvoj fazi protudvorskog pokreta (1384. – 1390.). Razmatra odnos između Dubrovnika, ugarskog vladara i krune Sv. Stjepana u vremenu dinastičkih borbi i velikaških ambicija, a osobito obrađuje problem stupanja Sigismunda Luksemburškog (1387. – 1437.) na ugarski tron. ; The period of rule of the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis Anjou (1342-1382) is considered by the historiography as a golden age of Croatian medieval history. Croatia and Slavonia regained connection with the Dalmatian towns and Dubrovnik for the first time became part of the Hungarian kingdom. The whole kingdom and especially towns on the eastern Adriatic coast went through a period of positive economic growth. After the death of the king Louis Anjou the situation in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia changed. The question of legitimacy of king's rule appeared and dynastic and other political struggles intensified. In such situation it is interesting to follow the position of Dubrovnik as king's stronghold at the southernmost end of the kingdom. Dubrovnik led a balanced policy. It proclaimed its loyalty to the crown and then to the king with the legitimate right to carry St Stephen's crown. Leading circles in Dubrovnik were well aware of the positive side of king's supreme protection and they used this circumstance to widen town's autonomy, enlarge the territory under its control and achieve economic prosperity. Such relation toward the ruler later became part of the Dubrovnik's political ideology.
Tijekom rata 1992. godine, prošlo je u Bosanskoj posavini 6.105 vojnika kroz razne oblike zdravstvene skrbi. Poginulo je u to doba 920, teže ranjeno 3.258, a lakše ranjeno 1.927 vojnika. Oni su zbrinuti na sanitetskim etapama organiziranim na razini borbene linije, borbenog područja i veznog područja. Temelj zdravstvene struke na borbenoj liniji činile su bataljunske postaje, a na razini borbenog područja Medicinski centar Slavonski Brod. Njegova uloga bila je ključna, kako zbog kirurške obrade 5.418 ranjenika, tako i zbog definitivnog zbrinjavanja većine osoba koje su zatražile pomoć. U okolici Slavonskog Broda formirana su oporavilišta, a širom Hrvatske korištene su specijalizirane zdravstvene ustanove i rehabilitacijski centri, u kojima je, po potrebi, završavan proces liječenja. Takvom organizacijom zdravstvene skrbi umro je u Medicinskom centru Slavonski brod tijekom liječenja 161 ranjenik, što predstavlja mortalitet od 3,0%. ; During military operations in Bosanska Posavina in 1992, 6,105 soldiers of the Croatian Defence Council (Bosnian Croats and Mosliems) were treated at various health care levels: 920 soldiers were killed, 3,258 were heavily wounded and 1,927 lightly wounded. The treatment was provided in medical units organized at the front line, in the combat area and in the communication area. At the front line, medical service was organized as battalion units, whereas the area in general was medically covered by the Slavonski Brod Medical Center in Croatia. Slavonski Brod played a key role with surgical treatment of 5,418 wounded and definite care was offered to most subject seeking medical aid. The scarcity of medical personnel at the front front lines and long lines of transportation resulted in a 6.5% death rate (354 patients) during transportation from Bosnian batterfields to Slavonski Brod. By contrast, the mortality rate in Slavonski Brod Hospital was 3.0% (161 patient). Convalescence homes were established and health rehabilitation centers throughout Croatia accommodated those needing advanced treatment.
