Suchergebnisse

The low level of representative power and political parties in Lithuanian public opinion inspired this analysisof political parties, as organizations using basic knowledge of management science. Understanding that voters areconsumers of political party's activities result, programs for election campaigns are considered as a main product ofpolitical parties' activity basing on the most popular contemporary understanding of political party. Basing on thefundamentals of management science a strategy of state development and persons prepared to implement thatstrategy in representative and governmental institutions are considered as a more valuable product of party activitiesin the article. Acquiring the power to govern a state for long enough period, when more than half of citizensparticipating in elections are oriented towards short term goals is considered as a paradox of democracy. Creationand popularizing a philosophy of political party, forming a field of main values in the state's life, serving as a basisfor strategy and short time election programs is considered as a mission of political parties in contemporaryLithuania enabling to overcome the paradox of democracy.

In Political science quarterly. Supplement to v. 1. 2 Cop. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Eighth-tenth issued as supplements to the American political science review, v. 6-8, 1912-1914. ; Some vols. include Programs of the annual meeting. ; Panel papers delivered at the annual meeting. ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1904-1914 included in the General index to the American political science review, volumes 1-20. ; After 1914 the Proceedings were discontinued as a separate publication and were incorporated in the American political science review.

Science instruction has largely avoided engaging students in political issues. Recent scholarship is drawing attention to the ways in which students' political identities influence science learning and the need for science learning that engages with students' political beliefs and values. In this Current Insights, I explore emerging work that provides a launching point for research and teaching at the intersection of political and science learning.

Description based on: Vol. 1, no. 2 (Oct. 1890); title from cover. ; Publisher varies. ; Numerous supplements. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Vols. 1 (1890)-63 (Jan. 1916) issued as suppl. to Mar. 1916. 1 v. (with v. 63-64); v. 64 (Mar. 1916)-96 (July 1921). 1 v. (with v. 97-98); v. 97 (Sept. 1921)-126 (July 1926). 1 v.; v. 127 (Sept. 1926)-152 (Nov. 1930) issued as v. 159, pt. 2; v. 153 (1931)-182 (1935). 1 v.; v. 183 (1936)-212 (1940). 1 v.; v. 213 (1941)-242 (1945). 1 v.; v. 243 (1946)-272 (1950). 1 v.; v. 303 (1956)-332 (1960). 1 v.; v. 333 (1961)-362 (1965). 1 v.; v. 363 (1966)-392 (1970). 1 v.

Each no. also has a distinctive title. ; Title varies. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University.

Ecological restoration has taken on a new significance in the face of climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite its growing policy salience, however, the social and political sciences have paid limited attention to the study of ecological restoration policy and practice. By drawing upon the political science study of multilevel governance, institutions, power elations, and place-based politics, a flavour is given of what a political science engagement might contribute to the rich tapestry of analysis that has already been produced by other disciplines on ecological restoration. As the use of restoration grows, it is increasingly likely that it will give rise to social dispute and be brought into conflict with a variety of environmental, cultural, economic, and community interests. Restoration policy and projects encounter professional and institutional norms as well as place-specific interests and values. There is urgent need to investigate how and in what ways some interests become winners and others losers in these activities, and how this in turn can influence ecological restoration outcomes. A political science lens could help build new criteria for evaluating the success of ecological restoration, ones that combine both process- and product-driven considerations. ; Restore www.restore-project.org

Vol. 1-33 lack whole numbering but constitute no. 1-88; no. 89-273 also called v. 34-124. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Edited by the Faculty of Political Science, Columbia University.

This paper, initially prompted by the puzzles raised from the atypical emergence of charismatic politics in the otherwise ordinary political system that our contemporary democracy is supposed to be, seeks to bring political charisma back into the study of comparative politics by reconstructing the concept and rendering it applicable to empirical research. Unlike previous approaches, which have suffered from either individual or structural reductionism, the present study examines charisma as a pure power term by focusing on what makes it appear in ordinary democratic politics as an extraordinary phenomenon, namely, its personal (as opposed to impersonal) character of leadership and the pursuit of a politically radical (as opposed to moderate) program. Accordingly, political charisma is defined as a distinct type of legitimate leadership that is personal and aims at the radical transformation of an established institutional order. Such an understanding of political charisma enables us to further analyze the core features of charismatic leadership and construct an "index of charismaticness" ready to be put under comparative empirical investigation. Sampling from postwar and contemporary European politics, a number of charismatic leaders are examined and then contrasted to non-charismatic ones. It is argued that, once reclaimed for political science, charisma may prove a useful concept with surprising analytical potential. Renewed interest in political charisma is expected to offer valuable clues in such important research areas as political leadership, populism, and contentious politics.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Handbooks for 1891, 1897-98, 1901 issued as supplements to the Society's Annals.

Each no. also has a distinctive title. ; Vols. 1-33 lack whole numbering but constitute no. 1-88; no. 89-273 called also v. 34-124. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; "Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University."

Several areas of political research deal with sequences, that is, successions of standard categorical states or events: political sociology, evolution of regimes, analysis of speeches, geopolitics, comparative studies, or elections. At least three kinds of longitudinal methods, popular in political science, may attempt at treating political longitudinal objects: regression models, event history analysis and time series analysis. Yet, none can unfold the three dimensions of categorical time series, that is, the nature of the states/events composing the sequences, their order and length. Sequence analysis, with the optimal matching algorithm as a core tool, was specifically designed to this task. It is now commonly used in sociology and demography, and more and more in geography and history. This pragmatic, state-by-state comparison of sequences does not make any assumption about an underlying process that would generate sequences. The paper first defines sequences and their empirical applications. Then it details the principles of sequence analysis and its canonical steps. It shows how sequence analysis connects to and/or competes with other multivariate methods, before giving an overview of advanced issues and available software. To illustrate how fruitful this approach can be for political science, I apply it to a retrospective survey conducted among members of the main French activist organization mobilizing against AIDS.

Description based on: Vol. 603 (winter 2006). ; Imprint varies. ; Supplements accompany some issues. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Nowadays, in transformation of the realm of political communication, a more important part is given to the so-called "new social media". Previously, political communication was seen as a process of production, dissemination and perception of political information for the purpose of achieving a consent regarding one or another political action. Additionally, communication appeared as a mechanism of one-way information exchange. Under new conditions, political communication becomes a tool of ensuring the process of preparation, making and implementing political decisions. In a modern understanding, an informational message is built by means of specific cooperation between communicants. In this regard, information sources appear as a specific base for state actions. This paper deals with old (traditional) and new social media and lists several characteristics that help distinguish these media. It also shows how authorities and representatives of political opposition can use social media to achieve their political purposes. This article analyses not only benefits but also drawbacks in the application of new information technologies in politics, considering a problem of manipulation as a main disadvantage. It also compares the use of social networks by authorities in Russia and abroad. Because of differences in political culture, social networks are not popular with Russian authorities. However, the number of social networking users among Russian politicians is increasing year by year. Moreover, the most popular network with them is Twitter. A conclusion can be drawn that new media play an important role in creating a system of rules of conduct on the Internet and in establishing a specific culture of electronic communication between representatives of authority and society.

When policymakers and private agents use models, the economists who design the model have an incentive to alter it in order infuence outcomes in a fashion consistent with their own preferences. I discuss some consequences of the existence of such ideological bias. In particular, I analyze the role of measurement infrastructures such as national statisticall institutes, the extent to which intellectual competition between di¤erent schools of thought may lead to polarization of views over some parameters and at the same time to consensus over other parameters, and .nally how the attempt to preserve in.uence can lead to degenerative research programs.