Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye first revealed the concept of "soft power" which he describes as an ability of a state to form preferences of other actors of world policy using its attractiveness for them. This is connected with culture, political values, and the foreign policy of the USA. It is becoming obvious that the efficiency of using military forces is substantially limited, and the need for states to increase their influence cannot fully be realized. Ideas that in their essence are close to "soft power", appeared long before American political scientists started the discussion of the concept. It is necessary to pay attention to the works of G. Morgenthau, E. Carr, the Italian Marxist philosopher A.Gramsci, and others. Such concepts include the "concept of seduction" by J.Baudrillard, as well as the "concept of seduction" by Gilles Lipovetsky. Following John Hiring, researchers from different countries have made "soft power" the subject of their research. However, their positions concerning this concept are far from being unambiguous, and sometimes contradictory. An important rethinkingabout "soft power" is the Chinese school of research of this phenomenon. Chinese researchers point to the historical roots of the idea of "soft power", which can be found in the country's history, and that this concept is harmony and naturalness for Chinese society. ; Հարվարդի համալսարանի պրոֆեսոր Ջոզեֆ Նայը նախ բացահայտեց «փափուկ ուժ» հասկացությունը, որով նա հասկանում էր պետական ակտորի ունակությունը՝ ձևավորելու այլ ակտորների նախապատվություները՝ օգտագործելով իր գրավչությունը նրանց աչքերում: Սա վերաբերում էր ԱՄՆ մշակույթին, քաղաքական արժեքներին և արտաքին քաղաքականությանը: Ակնհայտ դարձավ, որ ռազմական ուժի կիրառումը սահմանափակ է, իսկ սեփական ազդեցությունը մեծացնելու անհրաժեշտությունը մնում է ոչ ամբողջովին իրականանալի: «Փափուկ ուժի» նման գաղափարներն ի հայտ եկան ամերիկյան քաղաքագիտության մեջ այդ հայեցակարգի քննարկումները սկսելուց շատ առաջ: Այս իմաստով պետք է նշել Հ. Մորգենթաուի, Է.Քարի, իտալացի մարքսիստ փիլիսոփա Ա. Գրամշիի և այլոց աշխատանքները: Նման հասկացությունները ներառում են Ժ.Բոդրիարի «գայթակղության հայեցակարգը», ինչպես նաև Ժ.Լիպովեցկիի «հրապուրման հայեցակարգը»: Հետևելով Ջ.Նային՝ տարբեր երկրների հետազոտողները «փափուկ ուժը» դարձրեցին իրենց հետազոտության առարկան: Նրանց դիրքորոշումները միանշանակ չեն: Այս երևույթի ուսումնասիրման չինական դպրոցը կարևոր է՝ մատնանշելով «փափուկ ուժի» գաղափարի պատմական արմատները: Այստեղից էլ թեզը չինական հասարակության համար՝ այս հայեցակարգի ներդաշնակության և բնականության մասին: ; Профессор Гарвардского университета Джозеф Най впервые раскрыл концепт «мягкой силы», под которой он понимал способность государства формировать предпочтения других акторов мировой политики, используя собственную привлекательность в их глазах. Это относилось к культуре, политическим ценностям и внешней политике США. Становилось очевидно, что применение военной силы ограничено, а потребность в увеличении своего влияния оказывается не вполне реализованной. Идеи, схожие по своему действию с «мягкой силой», появились задолго до того, как концепт начал обсуждаться в американской политологии. В этом смысле следует отметить работы Г. Моргентау, Э. Карра, итальянского философамарксиста А. Грамши и др. К подобным концепциям можно отнести «концепцию соблазна» Ж. Бодрийяра, а также «концепцию обольщения» Ж. Липовецки. Вслед за Дж. Наем исследователи разных стран сделали «мягкую силу» предметом своего исследования. Их позиции далеко не однозначны. Важной представляется китайская школа изучения данного феномена, указывающая на исторические корни идеи «мягкой силы». Отсюда - тезис о гармоничности, естественности данного концепта для китайского общества.
The services for people with addiction and mental health problems and have received increasing attention, both in the public debate, among users and professionals and not least from political authorities. There is political agreement on the importance of prioritizing the field, when at the same time there is disagreement on whether the services will actually be better by present-day reforms.
In National Policies and Local Challenges, the authors explore the organization of services for people with addiction and mental health illness, from initiatives to improve the services at the level of national government to implementing changes in local service provision by municipalities. We discuss one of the most challenging questions in the modern welfare state: How should services be organized so that both users and service providers experience them as coordinated and integrated? The authors address these issues by referring to key features of national policy and change processes that can be observed in a selection of municipalities. The book also refers to analyses of experiences with various measures and services related to work, housing and prison care and correctional services.
The anthology is based on a research project that studies the coordination and integration of services for people with complex addiction and mental disorders. The book is based on political science and organizational theoretical perspectives, and aims to provide insight into the usefulness of such perspectives in the analysis of welfare state's challenges when complex needs are addressed. The target group for the book is researchers, students and employees in local government – as well as practitioners who work with users with complex and complex needs.
The book is edited by Catharina Bjørkquist, professor at Østfold University College, and Helge Ramsdal, professor emeritus at Østfold University College. - Tjenestene til personer med psykiske lidelser og ruslidelser har fått stadig større oppmerksomhet, både i den offentlige debatten, blant brukere og fagfolk og ikke minst fra politiske myndigheter. Det er stor politisk enighet om betydningen av å prioritere feltet, samtidig som det er uenighet om hvorvidt tjenestene faktisk blir bedre.
I Statlig politikk og lokale utfordringer ser forfatterne på organisering av tjenestene til mennesker med samtidige ruslidelser og psykiske lidelser, fra de politiske føringene sentralt til kommunale tjenester lokalt. Spørsmålet som stilles er et av de mest utfordrende i den moderne velferdsstaten: Hvordan skal en organisere tiltak og tjenester slik at både brukere og tjenesteytere opplever dem som samordnet og integrerte? Forfatterne diskuterer dette gjennom å vise til sentrale trekk ved den nasjonale politikken, de endringsprosessene en kan observere i et utvalg kommuner og erfaringer med ulike tiltak og tjenester knyttet til arbeid, bolig og kriminalomsorg.
Antologien har sitt utgangspunkt i et forskningsprosjekt som studerer samordning og integrering av tjenester til mennesker med sammensatte rus- og psykiske lidelser. Boka bygger på statsvitenskapelige og organisasjonsteoretiske perspektiver, og har som mål å gi innsikt i nytten av slike perspektiver i analysen av velferdsstatens utfordringer. Målgruppa for boka er forskere, studenter og ansatte i lokal forvaltning – samt tjenesteutøvere som jobber med brukere med sammensatte og komplekse behov.
The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) can be seen as the most central agent in the Norwegian foreign policy scene and is known for its many good seminars and talented researchers. A researcher from the Institute for Labour and Social Research (Fafo) congratulates NUPI for its achievements and hopes for a continuing good relationship between the institutes. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Torfing , J & Winsvold , M 2020 , Demokratiparadokset. Hvordan styre et folk som skal styre seg selv? i A Røiseland & S I Vabo (red) , Folkevalgt og politisk leder . Cappelen Damm Akademisk , Oslo , s. 120–145 . https://doi.org/10.23865/noasp.80.ch5
In this chapter we discuss what we have conceptualized as "the paradox of democracy", pointing to the conflict between the idea of the sovereign people on one side, and the idea that democracies need representatives and political leaders, on the other. The chapter gives an overview of democratic arrangements that encourage direct participation, including arrangements that feed into and support and arrangements that challenge the representative system. Furthermore, the chapter provides examples of arrangements that actively and intentionally link together representation and direct participation. Lastly, we discuss how the tension between participatory practices and representative democracy can be solved. In a brief and subsequent chapter, a Norwegian Mayor reflects on the conflict between representation and direct participation.
Jorgen Elklit critiques Nils O. Erlandsson's (2005) essay on mandate distribution methods & the general election process in Sweden, comparing Erlandsson's work with other existing material on the subject to conclude that Erlandsson has not sufficiently familiarized himself with these materials. Erlandsson replies to Elklit, reiterating his line of reasoning. Elklit responds to Erlandsson's reply. References. C. Brunski
Discusses how the importance of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) has increased over the years for anthropologist, sociologist, political scientists and economist especially in the realm of war and peace research. Many things in NUPI have changed over the years -- among them increased journal publications and a more visible international role. L. Pitkaniemi
This thesis deals on integration of ASEAN. The primary objective of this thesis is to find out the potential of ASEAN to be politically and economically integrated like EU, and the kind of difficulties it may face in a mid way. Since EU is a pioneer and benchmark for any integration and ASEAN takes EU as a reference, I choose EU as a base to compare the progress of ASEAN. As for the theoretical aspect, integration theory and its importance in global scenario is discussed. The research sought after the way ahead for ASEAN. This study is based on a comparative analysis of the development of both EU and ASEAN. The information and literature needed for the thesis will be collected from open source, which is easily accessible to all. After analyzing the historical background, present development and future prospect, I think ASEAN is turning out to be the successful regional cooperation. Even though ASEAN took reference from EU in its development, It don´t need to be like EU. Being the cooperation from different group of differently diversified nations, It can pave its own way forward and can lay good precedent for other upcoming regional co-operations. ; M-IR