Transitioning into a sustainable energy system is becoming ever more pressing as the reality of an anthropogenic ecological crisis becomes difficult to ignore. Due to the complexity of the matter, proposed solutions often address the symptoms of the current socioeconomic configuration rather than its core. To conceptualise possible future energy systems, this Perspective focuses on the disconnect between science and technology and engineering studies. On the one hand, this disconnect leads to social science research that passively critiques rather than contributes to tackling societal issues in practice. On the other, it produces technical work limited by the incumbent conceptualisations of economic activity and organisational configurations around production without capturing the broader social and political dynamics. We thus propose a schema for bridging this divide that uses the "commons" as an umbrella concept. We apply this framework on the hardware aspect of a conceptual energy system, which builds on networked microgrids powered by open-source, lower cost, adaptable, socially responsible and sustainable technology. This Perspective is a call to engineers and social scientists alike to form genuine transdisciplinary collaborations for developing radical alternatives to the energy conundrum.
International audience ; The aim of this article is to propose an articulation between the so-called French discourse analysis and the notions of intersectionality and decoloniality that are currently at work in the human and social sciences in France. It describes the conditions of an alternative epistemology capable of decentring knowledge and intellectual technologies of the discipline, and suggests ways of reworking its theoretical apparatus in order to take into account in linguistic analysis the conditions of existence of subjects and their journeys from one world to another within a pluriverse framework. We first define the chosen version of intersectionality and the decolonial perspective, showing what they can bring to discourse analysis as an enriching and emancipating perspective. We then specify the contours of an alternative epistemology, on the level of knowledge and methods, by insisting on the questions of the points of view and experiences of the subjects, and on the scientific as well as political choice of references and quotations. Finally, we propose the notion of coloniality of discourse, which allows us to rework in an intersectional decolonial dimension the questions of denomination and subjectivity. ; L'objectif de cet article est de proposer une articulation entre l'analyse du discours dite française et les notions d'intersectionnalité et de décolonialité qui travaillent actuellement les sciences humaines et sociales en France. Il décrit les conditions d'une épistémologie alternative apte à décentrer les savoirs et les technologies intellectuelles de la discipline, et suggère des manières de retravailler son appareillage théorique pour prendre en compte dans l'analyse linguistique les conditions d'existence des sujets et leurs voyages d'un monde à l'autre dans le cadre d'un plurivers. On définit d'abord la version de l'intersectionnalité choisie et la perspective décoloniale, en montrant ce qu'elles peuvent apporter à l'analyse du discours comme perspective enrichissante et émancipatrice. On précise ensuite les contours d'une épistémologie alternative, sur le plan des savoirs et des méthodes, en insistant sur les questions des points de vue et des expériences des sujets, et sur le choix tant scientifique que politique des références et des citations. On propose enfin la notion de colonialité du discours, qui permet de retravailler dans une dimension intersectionnelle décoloniale les questions de la dénomination et de la subjectivité.
Presenting an analysis of higher education in eight countries in the Arab Middle East and North Africa, Degrees of Dignity works to dismantle narratives of crisis and assert approaches to institutional reform. Drawing on policy documents, media narratives, interviews, and personal experiences, Elizabeth Buckner explores how apolitical external reform models become contested and modified by local actors in ways that are simultaneously complicated, surprising, and even inspiring. Degrees of Dignity documents how the global discourses of neoliberalism have legitimized specific policy models for higher education reform in the Arab world, including quality assurance, privatization, and internationalization. Through a multi-level and comparative analysis, this book examines how policy models are implemented, with often complex results, in countries throughout the region. Ultimately, Degrees of Dignity calls on the field of higher education development to rethink current approaches to higher education reform: rather than viewing the Arab world as a site for intervention, it argues that the Arab world can act as a source for insight on resilient higher education systems. ; This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency of the Government of Ontario.
The pandemic COVID-19 became a challenge for both societies and governments. While most countries and citizens reacted similarly to the unknown strength of the virus at the start of the pandemic, the situation in each country began to vary more and more each month. Poland and Slovakia are interesting cases in this context. One year after the WHO declared a pandemic, these countries are experiencing one of the worst crises in history. In Poland, despite the initial social mobilisation, after a very short time, many government decisions ceased to be perceived as protecting citizens. In the first period of the pandemic, the Slovak government coped with the situation much better, which changed significantly in the autumn of 2020. The article aims to analyse how an active "rally 'round the flag" effect and the resulting natural potential for social mobilisation to fight the pandemic were wasted in Poland and Slovakia due to irresponsible political decisions undermining the citizens 'trust in the governments' good intentions.
In this paper we present a simple technique to derive certificates of non-realizability for a combinatorial polytope. Our approach uses a variant of the classical algebraic certificates introduced by Bokowski and Sturmfels (1989), the final polynomials. More specifically we reduce the problem of finding a realization to that of finding a positive point in a variety and try to find a polynomial with positive coefficients in the generating ideal (a positive polynomial), showing that such point does not exist. Many, if not most, of the techniques for proving non-realizability developed in the last three decades can be seen as following this framework, using more or less elaborate ways of constructing such positive polynomials. Our proposal is more straightforward as we simply use linear programming to exhaustively search for such positive polynomials in the ideal restricted to some linear subspace. Somewhat surprisingly, this elementary strategy yields results that are competitive with more elaborate alternatives, and allows us to derive new examples of non-realizable combinatorial polytopes ; Gouveia was partially supported by the Centre for Mathematics of the University of Coimbra - UIDB/00324/2020 , funded by the Portuguese Government through FCT/MCTES . Macchia was supported by the Einstein Foundation Berlin under Francisco Santos grant EVF-2015-230 and by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) – project number 454595616 . Wiebe was supported by Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) [ PDF - 557980 - 2021 ], and by the Pacific Institute for the Mathematical Sciences (PIMS). The research and findings may not reflect those of the Institute.
10 pages, 4 figures, 6 tables, supplementary data https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecss.2021.107699 ; Sardine and anchovy have shown important changes in landings, biomass, abundance and body condition with time in the Western Mediterranean Sea. Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain these changes, including the negative interaction with jellyfish blooms. Increases in jellyfish blooms may be one of the reasons for a decline in these fish stocks because several jellyfish species have been shown to feed on fish larvae and juveniles. The main aim of the present study was to test the plausible relationship between jellyfish blooms and stock dynamics (abundance, biomass, and fitness) of anchovy and sardine, and its fisheries within an ecological context of the western Mediterranean Sea. Our main hypothesis was that jellyfish blooms, in combination with other environmental drivers, could have negative effects due to their predation on early stages of small pelagic fish (direct mortality) or due to predation on zooplankton, which is also prey of the small pelagic fish at different ontogenetic stages (direct competition). To test our hypothesis, we developed Bayesian Generalized Linear Mixed Models to compare landings, biomass, abundance, and Kn condition factor of both species with several climatic indices, oceanographic variables, and the occurrences of jellyfish blooms. Our results revealed that the jellyfish bloom occurrence had a high probability of negatively and broadly affecting both species in addition to changes in environmental conditions. This suggests that jellyfish blooms should be added to the likely causes of change when analyzing small pelagic fish change ; This study was carried out within the Spanish Research project PELWEB (CTM2017-88939-R) funded by Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, and the Catalonian Government PELCAT projects (CAT 152CAT00013, TAIS ARP059/19/00005). [.] MC acknowledges the 'Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence' accreditation (CEX2019-000928-S) to the Institute of Marine Science (ICM-CSIC). ; Peer reviewed
Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.
Does the occurrence of flood disaster increase the risk of communal conflict and if so, does trust in state political institutions mitigate the adverse effect? This study addresses these questions by studying the intervening effect of trust in local governmental institutions at a sub-national level. The effect of flood disasters on the risk of communal violence is expected to be contingent on peoples' trust that local political structures are able to address potential disputes between groups. Violent conflicts, in that sense, are neither inevitable nor directly determined by the occurrence of disasters. They largely depend on the context of a given society and political response to these external shocks. To test this expectation, the study uses survey data on trust in local state institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa from the Afrobarometer (2005–2018), combined with geo-referenced communal conflict and flood data. In line with theoretical expectations, results suggest that flood disasters are associated with communal violence only for administrative districts that are governed by distrusted local state institutions. Conversely, flood disasters tend to be negatively associated with the risk of communal clashes in the presence of highly trusted local government councils and (especially) trusted judicial courts. Changing model specifications and estimation techniques produces similar results. An out-of-sample cross-validation also shows that accounting for political variables, in addition to flood disasters, improves the predictive performance of the model.
The Meuse is an international river that has been used by man for centuries and it is still the main source of drinking water for large cities in Belgium and the Netherlands. In fact, water quantity and quality have been a major issue between the various riparian countries and political regions. Many kinds of data have been generated in the past decades on various aspects of the river: (a) hydrology for the need of predicting and controlling floods; (b) water chemistry in the context of water pollution assessment and control; and (c) biology and ecology for water quality assessment and studies on aquatic biodiversity community dynamics and ecosystem function. ; Peer reviewed
10 pages, 4 figures, 2 tables, supplementary data https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envpol.2021.118377 ; Concentrations of organophosphate esters (OPEs) plasticizers were analysed in the present study. Fifty-five fish samples belonging to three highly commercial species, European sardine (Sardina pilchardus), European anchovy (Engraulis encrasicolus), and European hake (Merluccius merluccius), were taken from the Western Mediterranean Sea. OPEs were detected in all individuals, except for two hake samples, with concentrations between 0.38 and 73.4 ng/g wet weight (ww). Sardines presented the highest mean value with 20.5 ± 20.1 ng/g ww, followed by anchovies with 14.1 ± 8.91 ng/g ww and hake with 2.48 ± 1.76 ng/g ww. The lowest OPE concentrations found in hake, which is a partial predator of anchovy and sardine, and the higher δ15N values (as a proxy of trophic position), may indicate the absence of OPEs biomagnification. Eleven out of thirteen tested OPEs compounds were detected, being diphenyl cresyl phosphate (DCP) one of the most frequently detected in all the species. The highest concentration values were obtained for tris(1,3-dichloro-2-propyl) phosphate (TDClPP), trihexyl phosphate (THP), and tris(2-butoxyethyl) phosphate (TBOEP), for sardines, anchovies, and hakes, respectively. The human health risk associated with the consumption of these fish species showing that their individual consumption would not pose a considerable threat to public health regarding OPE intake ; This study has been partially funded by PELCAT project (CAT 152CAT00013, TAIS ARP059/19/00005), PELWEB project (ES-PN-2017-CTM 2017-88939-R, Spanish Government), EXPOPLAS project (PID2019-110576RB-I00), Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation) and the Generalitat de Catalunya (Consolidated Research Group Water and Soil Quality Unit 2017 SGR 1404). MEDITS data collection has been co-funded by the EU through the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund (EMFF) within the National Program of collection, management and use of data in the fisheries sector and support for scientific advice regarding the Common Fisheries Policy. [.] This work acknowledges the 'Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence' accreditations (Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation to IDAEA and ICM (Project CEX2018-000794-S and CEX2019-000928-S, respectively).EL-L was supported by a FPU grant (FPU1704395, Spanish Ministry of Education) ; Peer reviewed
6 figures, 6 tables.-- Supplementary material available. ; Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID19), caused by SARS-CoV-2, is a complex disease, with a variety of clinical manifestations ranging from asymptomatic infection or mild cold-like symptoms to more severe cases requiring hospitalization and critical care. The most severe presentations seem to be related with a delayed, deregulated immune response leading to exacerbated inflammation and organ damage with close similarities to sepsis. ; [Methods]: In order to improve the understanding on the relation between host immune response and disease course, we have studied the differences in the cellular (monocytes, CD8+ T and NK cells) and soluble (cytokines, chemokines and immunoregulatory ligands) immune response in blood between Healthy Donors (HD), COVID19 and a group of patients with non-COVID19 respiratory tract infections (NON-COV-RTI). In addition, the immune response profile has been analyzed in COVID19 patients according to disease severity. ; [Results]: In comparison to HDs and patients with NON-COV-RTI, COVID19 patients show a heterogeneous immune response with the presence of both activated and exhausted CD8+ T and NK cells characterised by the expression of the immune checkpoint LAG3 and the presence of the adaptive NK cell subset. An increased frequency of adaptive NK cells and a reduction of NK cells expressing the activating receptors NKp30 and NKp46 correlated with disease severity. Although both activated and exhausted NK cells expressing LAG3 were increased in moderate/severe cases, unsupervised cell clustering analyses revealed a more complex scenario with single NK cells expressing more than one immune checkpoint (PD1, TIM3 and/or LAG3). A general increased level of inflammatory cytokines and chemokines was found in COVID19 patients, some of which like IL18, IL1RA, IL36B and IL31, IL2, IFNα and TNFα, CXCL10, CCL2 and CCL8 were able to differentiate between COVID19 and NON-COV-RTI and correlated with bad prognosis (IL2, TNFα, IL1RA, CCL2, CXCL10 and CXCL9). Notably, we found that soluble NKG2D ligands from the MIC and ULBPs families were increased in COVID19 compared to NON-COV-RTI and correlated with disease severity. ; [Conclusions:] Our results provide a detailed comprehensive analysis of the presence of activated and exhausted CD8+T, NK and monocyte cell subsets as well as extracellular inflammatory factors beyond cytokines/chemokines, specifically associated to COVID19. Importantly, multivariate analysis including clinical, demographical and immunological experimental variables have allowed us to reveal specific immune signatures to i) differentiate COVID19 from other infections and ii) predict disease severity and the risk of death. ; The authors would like to thank the Biobank of the Aragon Health System integrated in the Spanish National Biobanks Network and the Servicios Científico Técnicos de Citometria de Flujo del CIBA for their collaboration. Work in the JP laboratory is funded by the FEDER (Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional, Gobierno de Aragón, Group B29_17R), Health National Institute Carlos III (COV20-00308), Aragón Government (Fondo COVID-19), Fundación Santander-Universidad de Zaragoza (Programa COVID-19), Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R; PID2020-113963RBI00), Fundación Inocente, ASPANOA and Carrera de la Mujer de Monzón. EMG is funded by Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R and PID2020-113963RB-I00). IUM and SH are supported by a PhD fellowship from Aragon Government, CP by a PhD fellowship from AECC, LS by a PhD fellowship (FPI) from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. DDM is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Sara Borrell', and MA is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Juan de la Cierva-incorporacion' from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. EM and BGT are supported by Rio Hortega contract. JP is supported by the ARAID Foundation. ; Peer reviewed
Medical artificial intelligence (AI) systems have been remarkably successful, even outperforming human performance at certain tasks. There is no doubt that AI is important to improve human health in many ways and will disrupt various medical workflows in the future. Using AI to solve problems in medicine beyond the lab, in routine environments, we need to do more than to just improve the performance of existing AI methods. Robust AI solutions must be able to cope with imprecision, missing and incorrect information, and explain both the result and the process of how it was obtained to a medical expert. Using conceptual knowledge as a guiding model of reality can help to develop more robust, explainable, and less biased machine learning models that can ideally learn from less data. Achieving these goals will require an orchestrated effort that combines three complementary Frontier Research Areas: (1) Complex Networks and their Inference, (2) Graph causal models and counterfactuals, and (3) Verification and Explainability methods. The goal of this paper is to describe these three areas from a unified view and to motivate how information fusion in a comprehensive and integrative manner can not only help bring these three areas together, but also have a transformative role by bridging the gap between research and practical applications in the context of future trustworthy medical AI. This makes it imperative to include ethical and legal aspects as a cross-cutting discipline, because all future solutions must not only be ethically responsible, but also legally compliant. ; Andreas Holzinger acknowledges funding support from the Austrian Science Fund (FWF), Project: P-32554 explainable Artificial Intelligenceand from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovationprogram under grant agreement 826078 (Feature Cloud). This publi-cation reflects only the authors' view and the European Commissionis not responsible for any use that may be made of the informationit contains; Natalia Díaz-Rodríguez is supported by the Spanish Gov-ernment Juan de la Cierva Incorporación contract (IJC2019-039152-I); Isabelle Augenstein's research is partially funded by a DFF Sapere Auderesearch leader grant; Javier Del Ser acknowledges funding supportfrom the Basque Government through the ELKARTEK program (3KIAproject, KK-2020/00049) and the consolidated research group MATH-MODE (ref. T1294-19); Wojciech Samek acknowledges funding Support from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovationprogram under grant agreement No. 965221 (iToBoS), and the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (ref. 01IS18025 A, ref. 01IS18037I and ref. 0310L0207C); Igor Jurisica acknowledges funding support from Ontario Research Fund (RDI 34876), Natural Sciences Research Council (NSERC 203475), CIHR Research Grant (93579),Canada Foundation for Innovation (CFI 29272, 225404, 33536), IBM, Ian Lawson van Toch Fund, the Schroeder Arthritis Institute via theToronto General and Western Hospital Foundation.
