Suchergebnisse

The paper contains the author's attempt to review the history of Polish political science from World War II to the present day, its condition and characteristics. The progress political science has made in Poland has been crowned by its achieving the status of a rightful science, recognized by the representatives of numerous renowned fields of study. However, the factors that have contributed to the present status quo have also been administrative, even political. Yet these have neither determined the place of political science nor are they decisive in terms of its status in academia now. The stage of demonstrating its scientific status is already behind political science which, firstly, has demonstrated a clearly defined range of research issues, secondly, has undertaken significant research and arrived at valuable conclusions, and thirdly, has attracted competent, increasingly more versatile and thoroughly educated professionals. At present, political science is facing the challenges reminiscent of those faced by the remaining social sciences. In these terms, political science has not reached the limits of its transformation or capacity.

The article concerns the analysis of the impact of the discipline of political science and administration on the functioning of society and the economy in the perspective of third criterion of the evaluation of scientific disciplines. 75 impact descriptions for the years 2017–2021, submitted by 34 universities, were analysed. The author's intention is: to discuss the results of the evaluation, to systematise the areas of influence of political science centres, to determine the scope and significance of the declared impact, to discuss the role of research units in creating the impact. In order to achieve the set goals, secondary data from the RAD-on system and the Ministry of Education and Science (MEiN) were used, as well as primary data, including information from representatives of the discipline and participant observation while preparing of evaluation at the home university and performing an expert work.

The article describes the international cooperation of local governments, which are a form of decentralization of democratic states. This cooperation developed massively after the Second World War. Today more than 200,000 local and regional communities participate in it, cooperating not only by direct contacts, but also through various types of organizations and networks. This is a new and growing phenomenon in the international environment. On selected examples of Polish local governments, it is shown how strong are the positive ties between members of territorial communities from different countries, built by this cooperation. Their strength and nature are shown by presenting the activities of selected Polish local governments during the extreme crisis, i.e. the war in Ukraine. Thus, it was presented how Polish local governments help the attacked Ukrainians and Ukraine.

I join those who claim that the category of political culture in science is confusing and useless, and that its isolation for research purposes is pointless2. I omit the history of the notion of political culture, I do not deal with its definitions, I do not refer to the classification, I do not consider what should be adapted to political culture from one or another understood culture in a general sense. My focus is on showing that what is called "political culture" is essentially nothing other than politics, policy, polity or the selected elements that contribute it.

This article deals with issues in the field of enslavement and agency. Slavery is understood as an area of political science research located at the intersection of issues of political agency and theories of power. In the first part, slavery is treated as a form of enslavement, and other forms of enslavement are presented using a modified, four-part scheme proposed by Szymon Wróbel. The second part describes some fields of transgression, emancipation and agency.

The aim of the article is to define and catalog the factors preventing political entropy in an international realm – natural tendency of increasing of disorder and progressing of disintegration in global scale. In the first part of the paper, the author extensively referred on how the second law of thermodynamics – the law of entropy are used by social scientists for explanation of phenomena of their interest, and on the basis of available scientific literature, the metaphor of political entropy was formulated. Subsequently, in the second part of the article, this metaphor was used as a framework for identification, highlighting and classification of those factors, which – in the author's opinion – significantly contribute to the slowdown or stopping entropy in an international realm. In the commentaries and conclusions, those factors were interpreted from the institutional perspective, stressing the importance of institutionalization for regulation and stabilization of international relations, and for creation of international order – the anti-thesis of political entropy.

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination - which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec's paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it's in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering -in this context- fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

This study aims to explore the concept of authoritarianism, which – presented in terms of the "wicked problem" of the contemporary world – seems to be a severe challenge to present-day International Relations (IR), both in theoretical and practical dimensions. The author of the article defines the concept of authoritarianism as a form of the political system in which the power and material resources of the state have been centralized, appropriated, and put at the disposal of either an individual or an elitist group "in power." In this way, the possibilities of integrating the authoritarian state – both in the political and economic dimension – with the global system of international relations are limited, and the vital administrative institutions of the state have been manipulated and appropriated. The applied research method allows for interpreting the discussed issues in a complex – albeit specific – systemic form, characteristic not only for politically fragile or declining countries and regions but also for politically stable and economically developed ones. The author's analysis allows for the presentation and reinterpretation of the issue of contemporary authoritarian regimes concerning international relations in terms that not only define but often legitimize – and repeatedly even validate – some of the most despotic, autocratic, and hegemonistic forms of the political systems in modern times.

The article deals with the most important changes in the independence and systemic autonomy of local self-government units of the 2018–2023 term. Both normative solutions and actual actions and behaviours that have a fundamental impact on the functioning of local self-government will be analysed. For a more complete picture of the current term, it will be necessary to briefly characterise the changes introduced after 2015. It is also important for the overall analysis to look from the perspective of those currently in power and characterise their vision of the state and the role of local government in the political system. The idea of a strong, effective state determines the perception of the role of local government and the relationship at the interface between local government and government administration.

The purpose of this article is to analyse the legal regulations concerning the governing bodies of the parliaments in Norway and Denmark, as well as selected elements of the system practice related to their functioning in the last several years. A comparative study of the aforementioned institutions in both parliaments makes it possible to identify similar elements, as well as to point out existing differences, especially in the system practice. One common feature is the axiology underpinning the activities of the governing bodies and the resulting high political culture characterising the deputies in charge in the Storting and the Folketing. The analyses made are based on the assumptions and categories of neo-institutional methodology in political science. The main thesis of the article is that the high efficiency and professionalism of both parliaments, as determined by objective indicators, is the result of a consensual and pragmatic attitude of those elected to leadership positions and proposed by the party groups. This attitude is fostered by the widespread occurrence of minority parliamentarism in political practice in both states.

Nowadays, much attention is paid to the leaders of political groups because they determine the direction of a political group and create government policy. The media also play an important role in the portrayal of leading politicians and their activities. The responsibility that political leaders bear is multidimensional, including issues related to their mandate as MPs. This article analyses the work of MPs who simultaneously headed political groups represented in the Sejm of the 8th term. The research may serve as a basis for a broader discussion on the role of group leaders in parliament.

When the Constitutional Council was established in 1958, it was described as a political and judicial body. Since then, its powers and systemic importance have increased rapidly. However, the political-judicial nature of the Council has not changed. The Council's political character is expressed in its domination by individuals belonging to the political elite and high government officials. Undoubtedly, the persistent distrust in the French republican tradition of entrusting judges with control decisions of vital importance to the state is significant. In addition, the well-thought-out mechanism of appointing its members promotes the independence and legitimacy of this institution. It is also necessary to point out the symbiosis of the political and bureaucratic elites in France and the still-held view that it is responsible for decisions of crucial importance to the state and citizens.

The proclamation of Polish statehood and the establishment of the Regency Council in 1917 enabled the undertaking of diplomatic activities in the Central Powers to ensure the conditions for the Polish state to be viable. The aim of the paper is to present the construction of the foundations of Polish politics – the diplomacy of the Regency Council administration through its government offices, as well as to seek answers to the questions whether the assumed intentions were implemented and what was the result of initiatives and activities in this area on the international arena?

The aim of the article is to present the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the situation of selected categories of migrants, in particular Polish citizens residing abroad, economic migrants, and persons seeking international protection from the socio-political and media perspective. The article discusses the actions taken toward migrants by Poland and, based on the results of empirical research and media coverage, analyses the consequences of the pandemic, especially in the areas of health, labour market, and social integration.

Providing insight in political reality and morale beyond increasingly illiberal governments in CEE, this paper offers an ethnographic perspective on democratic opposition during the process of de-democratisation. Analysing the motivation and purpose of being politically active based on a limited group of members of the Hungarian Momentum Movement Party, it highlights how relating to past, present and future as well as other Hungarian parties and the West they strive to realise a '21st century European normality'.