Suchergebnisse

On 28th April 2019 parliamentary elections were held in Spain, which won the left-wing Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. As a result of the elections the party system, which was characterised by the dominance of two main political forces (the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the People's Party) continued to transform significantly. The People's Party suffered one of the worst election results during the three decades of its history, which could be explained by the strengthening of Ciudadanos and the emergence of the radical political force, Vox.It must be noted that neither the left-wing, nor the right-wing political parties succeeded gaining absolute majority (176 mandates) in the Congress of Deputies. Taking into account of the division of political sphere and the ideological differences among the parties, it will probably take a long time until the main political forces can strike a compromise to form a coalition government in the Iberian country. This requires mutual concessions by the Spanish political elite.Besides the evaluation of the antecedents of parliamentary elections the objective my paper is to analyse the peculiarities of election campaign, but I will also highlight which factors played crucial role in the transformation of the party system in Spain. In my essay emphasis will be given to the different scenarios as regards negotiations for constructing a stable government. Because of length constraints, I will not deal with the foreign affairs- and economic policy of the socialist government.

Tanulmányunk a nemzetközi rendszer átalakulásával foglalkozik, azt Polányi kettős mozgásának a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan három vizsgálati szintjére (rendszer szintje, nemzetállam szintje, ideák szintje) való kiterjesztésével mutatja be. A cél annak az ingamozgásnak a bemutatása, mely az önszabályozó piac és a Bretton Woodsi "beágyazott liberalizmus" között írható le. Bemutatjuk azt is, hogy a populista pártok napjainkban megfigyelhető növekvő népszerűsége a piacosító folyamatokkal szembeni ellenmozgásként értelmezhető. = Our paper examines the transformation of the international economic system. We examine the process of Polanyi's double movement on the three levels of analysis of the international political economy: systemic, domestic and cognitive. Our aim is to show that during the development of the international system a certain pendulum is present which swings between the idea of the self-regulating market and 'the embedded liberalism' of the Bretton Woods System. We will also show, that the increasing popularity of populist political parties might be also understood as a countermovement against forces of marketization.

The aim of this study is to present the main events in the Hungarian-Serbian economic relations during the last two decades by summarizing the most important moments, their causes and consequences. After the fall of Milošević, it was necessary to re-establish the contractual relationship between the two countries and the corporate relationships terminated during the embargo. After the very promising start, the assassination of the Serbian prime minister, the constant domestic political crises, the government unwilling to make closer contacts, and according to the European standards the closed society of Serbia at that time, hasn't become a political or economic ally of Hungary. In the time when the world economic conditions were in favour of overall development of bilateral economic relations. However the global economic crisis and recession has brought back not only the willingness to invest in Hungary, but also the bilateral trade. The historic reconciliation following the slow political rapprochement in 2014, has made the breakthrough, and contributed not only to the better enforcement of the Hungarian economic interests, but also to the prosperity of Hungarians in their native country, in Serbia. The Hungarian government is supporting Serbia's EU integration process and in all foreign policy issues. As the result of this approach, there are no open questions between Budapest and Belgrade. The preconditions for the constant evolution of the economic relations without special support were the political gestures and friendly attitude of the two governments regarding the earlier sensitive questions and the national issues.

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

The plebiscite on the independence of Catalonia was adopted by the parliament of the Autonomous Community on 6th September 2017, which was suspended two days later by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Despite the prohibition of the Constitutional Court, the Catalan government decided to hold the illegal referendum on 1st October 2017, which increased the tensions between the Spanish cabinet and the Generalitat as a result of harsh police force's riots. At the end of October 2017, the Catalan regional parliament declared the independence of the Autonomous Community. The reaction of the Spanish government was that it suspended the autonomy of Catalonia and decided to call early elections on 21st December 2017. Although the pro-independence parties (JuntsxCat and Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) won the elections, they could only constitute a stable government by the external support of the radical left-wing party, Alternativa de Esquerres. The objective of my essay is to evaluate the political and economic consequences of the Catalan plebiscite, which was held on 1st October 2017. The popular vote about the self-determination of Catalonia caused a political and legal uncertainty and influenced the economic situation of the Autonomous Community and Spain negatively. The events which happened in Catalonia contributed to the loss of control over the legislature by a motion of no confidence against the Government of Mariano Rajoy and increased the division between the Catalan and the Spanish society. Because of length constraints, I will not highlight the European Union's policy of the People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party. Besides the evaluation of the political and economic outcomes of the Catalan referendum, the main aim of the paper is to give insight into the factors that determined the independence process in Catalonia.