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Abstract This study base on the efforts of the Golkar Party's to the process of interpretation, socialization, and implementation of the new paradigm, the paradigm guide to reformations Golkar Party's become to democratic, independent, solid, strong, foundamental, and responsive. How Golkar party's political communication about socialization and implementation of a new paradigm of Golkar Party's leadership Aburizal Bakrie-year period from 2009 to 2012. The aim of this research is to study and overview of the process of socialization and implementation new paradigm Golkar Party's of the Aburizal Bakrie's leadership. This contect described to using constructivist paradigm through the theory of Performance of Communication and Structuration. Research using the case study method. Data obtained by participation observer, unstructured interviews, and documentary study. The data also collected from informants. The results of this research show: 1) The Golkar Party's has a very significant infrastructure, so the making easier to socialization new paradigm to internal party, but Golkar Party's can not erase stigma society as the New Order party. Socializing new paradigm Golkar Party's to be done in integrated, systematic and continuous addressed to all cadres of various levels from the center to the village. 2) the new paradigm Golkar Party's ideals as the basis and foundation values stand for the Golkar Party's, the implementation is faced with the reality of the condition of the various political considerations and the interests of power, so it can not shown the Golkar Party's political communication with the direction of the reality, Golkar Party's must be have to political communication with the role of multi faces. Keywords: politic communication, Golkar Party's, Aburizal Bakrie.

This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date. ; This paper would like to analyze the development of study of International Relations in Indonesia which has progressed very rapidly. The science of lucrative International Relations since April 1919 in Britain and into Indonesian territory since the 1945's, has been in great demand by the public, gaining a place in the hearts of the social scientific community, and contributing a lot to the foreign decision-making played by the government. Therefore, it is important to look at opportunities, challenges, and prospects for the development of International Relations studies in Indonesia to date.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

Paradiplomacy is still relatively a new phenomenon for government activity in Indonesia. Paradiplomacy refers to the behavior and capacity to engage in foreign relations with foreign parties carried out by 'sub-state' entities, or regional governments / local governments, in the context of their specific interests. The term 'paradiplomacy' was first launched in an academic debate by Basque scientists, Panayotis Soldatos in the 1980s as a combination of the term 'parallel diplomacy' into 'paradiplomacy', which refers to the meaning of 'the foreign policy of non-central governments', according to Aldecoa , Keating and Boyer. Another term that was put forward by Ivo Duchacek (New York, 1990) for this concept is 'micro-diplomacy'. In this work, author explain the paradiplomacy into ten section such as: (1) Introduction; (2) Interaction Transnational and Paradiplomacy; (3) Paradiplomacy in the Indonesian Law Context; (4) Paradiplomacy in the International Law Context; (5) Diplomacy by Local Government; (6) Technical Regulation on the Implementation of Paradiplomacy in Indonesia; (7) International Cooperation by the Special Regional Province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia; (8) The Chronology of International Cooperation by the Local Government in Indonesia; (9) Inputs for the Revision of Indonesian Law on International Cooperation and (10) Epilog.

GEMPITA pilkada gemuruhnya tengah memekakkan telinga publik. Mimpi dan imaji dibaurkan dalam "pentas demokrasi" sebagai arena memanggungkan janji-janji. 171 daerah membentuk formasi menyongsong "suksesi kepemimpinan lokal" berbiaya tinggi. Fenomena mahar politik tidak terbendung memenuhi jalan rekomendasi partai. Sengkurat kian beranjak dengan paslon-paslon yang tertindih derap korupsi dari ruang kesumat tahta dan harta. OTT KPK terberitakan dalam pekabaran tanpa jeda atas problema "kerakusan" paslon pilkada. Partai-partai tampak menarasikan "kesuciannya", sementara rakyat senantiasa mendapatkan suguhan mengenai "najisnya" pergulatan pasangan. Mahalnya sesi perhelatan pilkada mengkonstruksi ingatan yang konklusif betapa "berharganya jabatan". Apalagi posisi kepala negara. Pilpres tidak mungkin menafikan diri bebas dari "kerumunan persekutuan bandar". Itulah yang mudah dieja oleh khalayak di kala membaca lembar demi lembar kisah jelang coblosan di bentara pilkada.

Keabsahan demokrasi seyogianya berbanding lurus dengan perbaikan kehidupan sosial, lingkungan dan ekonomi. Tahun 2014 ini telah dinisbatkan oleh publik sebagai Tahun Politik dengan helatan coblosan 9 April (pileg) dan 9 Juli (pilpres). lni merupakan babakan demokrasi yang harus diapresiasi dengan segala implikasinya terhadap pelaksanaan pemba,rgunan berkelanjutan (sustainable development) yang menyodorkan tiga pilar keseimbangan: ekonomi, sosial dan lingkungan. Terhadap pelaksanaan pemilu ini ada sesuatu yang mengkhawatirkan secara ekologis. Berjuta-luta ton sampah plastik dari alat peraqa katnpanye yang berjajar dari Aceh sampai Papua dapat membahayakan keseimbangan ekosistem nasional. Kontestan yang tidak ramah lingkungan dalam bahasa yang hiperbolik dapat mengguncang tatanan ekologis lndonesia. Dan inilah yang sedang dipentaskan.

TULISAN ini merupakan permenungan atas realitas yang memperhinakan peradaban bangsa. Korupsi merayapi seluruh koordinat institusi negara yang jumawah kuasa dengan harta dan tahtah. Khalayak menyaksikan betapa korupsi menjadi produk keserakahan "modal maupun otoritas legal" yang menjalar di tubuh negara. Simaklah korupsi yang diungkap KPK selama ini, termasuk korupsi sektor: pertambangan, layanan umum, e-KTP, serta para penikmat dana BLBI, adalah orang-orang yang berbilang "sang kuasa" kapital. Kasus skandal BLBI yang "naik-turun" pengungkapannya, dana pungut dan sogokan yang melintas di pojok-pojok "terminal" kota, serta transaksi sumber daya alam di bumi Papua yang belum tergoyahkan, sungguh telah membelalakkan mata publik.

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.

Political culture, is part of the culture of the society with the characteristics of a more typical. The term includes the issue of legitimacy of political culture, power regulation, government policy-making process, the activities of political parties, the behavior of the state apparatus, and the turmoil of society against the power to rule. Political activity is also entering the world of religious, economic and social activities, personal and social life at large. Thus, political culture directly affects the political life and national decisions regarding the allocation pattern of public resources. No exception to the institution called the pesantren. Political culture in schools to some extent affect the practical political life in the boarding area itself. Pesantren and political parties actually two entities are quite far apart. Pesantren is more synonymous with education which is in contact with science and morality, while the political parties more closely on joint efforts to achieve, maintain, and seize power. Pesantren in daily life is busy with the book review that discusses the views of scholars of classical and modern about the various disciplines of Islamic religion, while political parties busy with preparing the party platform with all the strategies and political tactics to gain power for the sake of advancing the nation and state and the welfare of the people

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

There is a great resistance from several Asian country leaders towards democracy. Basically, they view that the US has "forced" some Asian countries to implement its model of government which is thought to be a good form of government for all countries, particularly in terms of placing democracy as a "yardstick" when some of the countries need International Aids. While actually, they argue that what works for one country does not necessarily appropriate for others. Lee Kuan Yew argue that what people's real need is a "good government", whase its implementation might differ for each country and might also differ from "Western" values. Nevertheless, some observers have criticized the concept as well. They argue that it has been implemented on the expense of restricting political space available for he citizens. This essay will elaborate each of the claims and will try to provide a tentative alternative which might need further discussion. Keywords: Democracy; Good government; Western Values

The IFRS can be applied in the multi national company (MNC) and listing firms across the country but it does not mean it can replace the national accounting standards that have been owned by respective countries. The accounting standardization is not an easy job because each country has different political, social, and economic background. This study is to reveal the reason and who is behind IFRS adoption in Indonesia. This qualitative research is a case study based on cases representing institutions in Indonesia: DSAK, DPN IAI, BAPEPAM-LK, the finance ministry and the ministry of state own enterprises (BUMN). Data were collected by interviews and using readily available documents and processed with thematic analysis. The result shows the adoption of IFRS decisions is driven by international interests. Indonesia's membership in several international organizations, such as IFAC (International Federation on Accountant), IOSCO, and the G-20, has resulted in the approval of global accounting standards in Indonesia. Each organization has done a variety ways to ensure that its members adopt IFRS. IFRS should be based more on Indonesia accounting needs and should not be only based on a desire particularly coercion from others. In-depth analysis based on the reality of each particular business should be conducted before a decision to adopt IFRS is taken.

Income inequality in Indonesia remains a controversial issue in the context of Indonesian macroeconomic condition that is evolving in output and government spending, and its increase in consumption accompanied by inflation and slowing of bank credit. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship among macroeconomics, monetary and income inequality through a broad theoretical model by adopting a panel Structural Vector Auto-regression (SVAR) model to get more sample size during the period 2005-2018 at 33 provinces in Indonesia. The main results indicate that the variables of output and inflation have positive relationships. The relationship between output and income inequality is also significantly correlated, and those results supported by Kuznets's theory reveal that the relationship between economic growth and income inequality is positive in the short term. The relationship between inflation and income inequality is positive as well in Indonesia. This result is by the fact that low-income families are considered more vulnerable to inflation. The impact of non-food consumption shocks increases income inequality, while Indonesian government spending and bank credit shocks reduce income inequality. Then the response of savings and bank credit to the shock of income inequality is positive.

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

This study aims to determine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange to the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). This study will examine the reaction of foreign ownership on the Indonesia Stock Exchange during the periods 2007-2010 and 2012-2015. The variables used in this study are IFRS and foreign ownership. It finds that the obligation of IFRS does not affect the development of foreign investment in Indonesia, because accounting standards in Indonesia have been adjusted to IFRS since 2008 and investment decisions are not only influenced by standard accounting policies, but also by other factors, such as the economic and political conditions of a country. This study is motivated by the results of previous studies regarding the reaction of foreign ownership of IFRS adoption, which is still controversial. Some studies suggest that IFRS adoption increases information appeal and can attract foreign investment, while other research states that IFRS adoption will not necessarily increase the number of shares held by foreign investors.