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This book brings a new perspective of the United States, which arose from the necessity to overcome both uncritically admiring as well as uncritically condemning approaches. This new approach is based on a deeper understanding of the inner diversity, contradictions and quarrels within American politics and society. This offers unexpected possibilities of transatlantic cooperation in new areas and enriches the public debate about the course of the Czech Republic. It is necessary to awaken from the American dream to be able to clearly see the United States as important inspiration, whether positive or negative. In addition, the book aims to point out possibilities offered by the renaissance of territorial studies as an approach to examining the world around us, which is able to combine historical, political, economic, social and cultural approaches when answering serious and complex questions. This knowledge in different territorial contexts can significantly help us in making our own choices, both those made on a daily basis as well as the important and critical ones

3.2.1 Národní demokracie v hlasité opozici (společně s fašisty)3.2.2 Konsolidace poměrů uvnitř národní demokracie na podzim 1926 -- nástup křídla živnostenské banky; 3.3 Volba prezidenta republiky 1927; 3.4 Politická emancipace fašistů na národní demokracii a komunální volby na podzim 1927; 3.5 Spor s mládeží demokratického zítřku a konec roku 1927; 3.6 Národnědemokratický ministr ve vládě; 3.7 Rozpad koalice občanských stran a hledání spojence do parlamentních voleb v roce 1929; 3.8 Politický nástup křídla živnostenské banky v národní demokracii a volby do Národního shromáždění 1929

The theory of coalitions has been a significant part of political science analysis since 1960. We can distinguish two traditions in the theory of coalitions -- the American tradition & the European one. While the American theory of coalitions puts an emphasis on game theory, the European theory of coalitions focuses on political culture, traditions & social environment. The two traditions evaluate existing coalitions differently. This article demonstrates these different approaches by analyzing governmental coalitions in Saxony in the 1990s. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

3.1 Prezidencializace politiky a politických stran3.2 Výběr kandidátů; 3.3 Personalizace volebních systémů; 3.4 Institucionální personalizace v České republice; 3.4.1 Prezidencializace; 3.4.2 Výběr kandidátů; 3.4.3 Personalizace českého volebního systému; 4. MEDIÁLNÍ PERSONALIZACE; 4.1 Celebritizace politiky; 4.2 Personalizace mediálních obsahů; 4.3 Mediální personalizace v České republice; 4.3.1 Celebritizace; 4.3.2 Personalizace mediálních obsahů; 5. BEHAVIORÁLNÍ PERSONALIZACE; 5.1 Preferenční hlasování; 5.2 Efekt lídra; 5.3 Behaviorální personalizace v České republice.

In the article, the author presents money as a category of analysis in political science, & briefly embeds research in this field in a broader disciplinary context (economics, sociology, financial geography). Emphasis is stressed on Helleiner's book "The Making of National Money." Helleiner deals with the emergence of territorial currencies in the long-term, & is considered to be the most important & influential author within the field of political science. In the first part, the article focuses on Helleiner's description of the structural-historical conditions for the introduction of territorial currencies, as well as on the ideological motivations that led political elites to introduce territorial currencies. A comprehensive historical description of this process is put aside. At the end, the author critically evaluates Helleiner's contribution to this problem. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on representatives of the regional (and most recently established) level of government in the Czech Republic. It describes the context behind the emergence of regional governments & how they differ from the local & national political levels. It notes the close personnel connection between local & regional political elites. Experience gained in local politics helps elites to succeed at the regional level. The presence of local politicians in regional government varies with the level of residential fragmentation & the degree of urbanization in the given region. Unlike local politics, which is consistently comprised of a significant proportion of independents, regional representatives are almost exclusively members of political parties & movements. This situation on the one hand serves to increase the politicization of local politics & on the other leads to greater competition within political parties, whose programs & national leadership regional politicians wish to influence.

In recent years, the issue of political parties' attitudes to European integration has become especially important in political science research. This article focuses on skeptical party attitudes to the European Union & critically evaluates the conceptualization of euroskepticism. First, it discusses the most applicable typologies, especially Taggart & Szczerbiak's distinction between "hard" & "soft" forms of euroskepticism. Second, it points out the insufficient & vague definition of the concept of "soft" euroskepticism. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 and 2002. The crisis influenced policy priorities; therefore the perceptions of elements belonging to national identity were changed in order i) to gain victory in the general elections in 2002 and 2005, and ii) to reflect properly the state of German society. Therefore, significant policy shifts were made. These policy changes show how the party successfully integrated societal demands and preferences over the past decade. Thank to this, the CDU incorporated both conservative and liberal elements. This is evident in the case of incorporating liberal elements such as homosexual partnerships while, at the same time, actively stressing the importance of defending national interests. ; The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 ...

The main goals of the transformed military-political bloc in Burma are to create an "Asian democracy" in the country and to continue in its control of its economic and political life. For this purpose, it adopted a new constitution, organized general elections, and established the current national and state parliaments and the new government. The main pillars of its actual power are the office of the president, the parliaments, the army and the pro-government Union Solidarity and Development Party. Meanwhile, the democratic opposition movement is weak and fragmented. Also the ethnic minorities' movement is unable to create a common political platform on the national level. In this situation, it is hard to expect radical changes in the political development in Burma. The domination of the transformed military-political bloc will thus continue. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the definition & typology of anti-system parties. It is based on the classical definition by Giovanni Sartori, which is in my opinion not obsolete. On the contrary it is still very usable, but under the condition that we stay on the ground of party theory & party systems, & not transfer it to the field of democratic theory. The next part of the text focuses on Giovanni Capoccia's attempt in 2002 to modify Sartori's theory & create a new typology of anti-system parties is very interesting but not very progressive. It seems that Capoccia makes the same, or at least very similar, propositions as Sartori. I think we should call "anti-system" only those parties which conform to Sartori's rigorous definition. The parties conforming to Sartori's wide definition should not be named "anti-system" but rather "extreme." So, we have two separate categories of opposition parties: 1) anti-system, & 2) extreme. The first one is ideological opposition against the political system. The second is simply extreme, radical opposition against the government, or at the most, against some part of the political system, but not against the system as a whole. The second main proposition of the article concerns the problem of a typology of anti-system parties. According to the view mentioned above & based on Capoccia's typology, I have created a modified typology. It correlates two parameters, ideological & relational. The result is five types of parties: anti-system parties, extreme parties, irrelevant anti-system parties, camouflaged anti-system parties, & pro-system parties. Adapted from the source document.