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The main purpose of the article is to present the evolution of legal regulations regarding national minorities in Ukraine, the structure of these minorities and the dynamics of demographic change. The authors analyzed the geographical distribution as well as the political, cultural and educational activity of the most numerous national minorities. They presented the main reasons for the increase or decrease in the size of the largest national groups. The political and legal foundations of minority activities, the specificity of the organization of their educational institutions, national-cultural associations and ethnic parties were analyzed. Particular attention was paid to the problematic provisions of the new Education Act (2017), which reduced the status of languages of national minorities in education and led to the deterioration of relations with individual countries with which minorities are associated. The authors discussed the most severe problems in bilateral relations arising from Ukraine's policy towards minorities and some ideas on how to solve them. The main methods of improving nationality policy in contemporary Ukraine were also presented.

Na przestrzeni dwóch dekad funkcjonowania samorządności w Polsce nastąpiły przeobrażenia w katalogu podstawowych wartości samorządu terytorialnego. W pierwszych dziesięciu latach, gdy budowano fundamenty samorządności w Polsce, najważniejsze były podstawowe, ustrojowe wartości, tj. wolność, równość czy powszechność. W drugim natomiast ustąpiły one miejsca wartościom fundamentalnym dla rozwoju samorządu terytorialnego takim, jak: więzi lokalne, poczucie wspólnoty, kapitał społeczny, inkluzja polityczna, czy wreszcie społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Równolegle następowały zmiany w wymaganiach stawianych pracownikom samorządowym. Pojawiły się i ulegały uściśleniu, akty prawne rangi ustawowej określające wymagania wobec nich, obowiązujące ich, jako realizatorów służby publicznej, zasady. Celem artykułu jest próba skatalogowania zbioru wartości kojarzonych z samorządem terytorialnym w Polsce. Ów katalog będzie subiektywny w charakterze. Jednocześnie autor jako wartości traktuje także i zasady, które poprzez uznanie ich przez daną społeczność za cenne, zyskują przymiot wartości. ; Over the two decades of local governance in Poland, the catalogue ofthe fundamental values of local self-government has transformed. In the first decade, when the foundations of local governance in Poland were laid, the most important aspect was the basic values of the political system: liberty, equality and universality. In the second decade, they were replaced by the values that are fundamental for the development of local governance, such as local bonds, a sense of community, social capital, political inclusion and, last but not least, civic society. These changes were accompanied by different requirements being made of local government officials. There emerged increasingly detailed legal acts of statutory status that defined such requirements and the principles the officials are supposed to abide by as public servants. The paper attempts to catalogue the set of values associated with local government in Poland. This catalogue is subjective. The author also includes among those values the principles that are recognized as valuable by a given community, thus becoming values in themselves.

Na przestrzeni dwóch dekad funkcjonowania samorządności w Polsce nastąpiły przeobrażenia w katalogu podstawowych wartości samorządu terytorialnego. W pierwszych dziesięciu latach, gdy budowano fundamenty samorządności w Polsce, najważniejsze były podstawowe, ustrojowe wartości, tj. wolność, równość czy powszechność. W drugim natomiast ustąpiły one miejsca wartościom fundamentalnym dla rozwoju samorządu terytorialnego takim, jak: więzi lokalne, poczucie wspólnoty, kapitał społeczny, inkluzja polityczna, czy wreszcie społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Równolegle następowały zmiany w wymaganiach stawianych pracownikom samorządowym. Pojawiły się i ulegały uściśleniu, akty prawne rangi ustawowej określające wymagania wobec nich, obowiązujące ich, jako realizatorów służby publicznej, zasady. Celem artykułu jest próba skatalogowania zbioru wartości kojarzonych z samorządem terytorialnym w Polsce. Ów katalog będzie subiektywny w charakterze. Jednocześnie autor jako wartości traktuje także i zasady, które poprzez uznanie ich przez daną społeczność za cenne, zyskują przymiot wartości. ; Over the two decades of local governance in Poland, the catalogue of the fundamental values of local self-government has transformed. In the first decade, when the foundations of local governance in Poland were laid, the most important aspect was the basic values of the political system: liberty, equality and universality. In the second decade, they were replaced by the values that are fundamental for the development of local governance, such as local bonds, a sense of community, social capital, political inclusion and, last but not least, civic society. These changes were accompanied by different requirements being made of local government officials. There emerged increasingly detailed legal acts of statutory status that defined such requirements and the principles the officials are supposed to abide by as public servants. The paper attempts to catalogue the set of values associated with local government in Poland. This catalogue is subjective. The author also includes among those values the principles that are recognized as valuable by a given community, thus becoming values in themselves. ; 2 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie działalności Polskiego Towarzystwa Nauk Politycznych z zaznaczeniem ukierunkowania na sprawy internacjonalizacji. Od początku swojej działalności PTNP współpracowało z IPSA. W Polsce powstało wiele cennych publikacji przestawiających historię i stan obecny politologii w Polsce. Szczególnie ważnym dla polskiej politologii wydarzeniem była organizacja światowego kongresu politologii w lipcu 2016 r. Ważne miejsce zajmują także polskie czasopisma naukowe, które w ostatnich latach podlegają silnej internacjonalizacji. Przed PTNP stoi wiele wyzwań i możliwości podejmowania kolejnych działań, które sprzyjają dalszemu rozwojowi i promocji nauki w kraju i zagranicą. ; The aim of the article is to present the activities of the Polish Political Science Association, underlining the issues of internationalization. Since the beginning the organization, PPSA has been cooperating with IPSA. Many valuable publications regarding history and contemporary situation of Political Science have been published in Poland. Particularly important for Polish political science was the organization of the World Congress of Political Science in July 2016. The Polish scientific journals, that have been strongly internalized in recent years, take an important place nowadays. Polish Political Science Association has to face many challenges and take new possibilities in further activities that encourage further development and promotion. ; Publikacja sfinansowana przez Wydział Studiów Międzynarodowych i Politologicznych UŁ.

The local governments of settlements fulfi ll not only their basic duties but also a great deal of other tasks as well that infl uence the communities' living conditions and quality of life, and through the way inhabitants feel also have an impact on the retention capacity of the settlements. The social policy of local governments is fulfi lled by the governments. Financing the tasks and their risks have a great effect on the realization of sustainable local governing. The aim of this study is to review the Hungarian local governmental system assessing some anomalies of the fi nancing of local governments and to draw attention to the risk of local governments, to the possibilities of how to reduce their operational risks highly considering the social political goals of the local governments, the role it has in developing and improving the people's quality of life.

This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People's Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement's legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.

Jednym z fundamentalnych przedmiotów badań nauki o polityce pozostaje niezmiennie język polityki (w swoich licznych odmianach i formach). Analiza naukowa tego przedmiotu badań przysparza jednak politologii nadal szereg problemów, wynikających z nieprzystawalności metod językoznawstwa do funkcji i zadań współczesnej nauki o polityce. Pojawia się więc potrzeba wypracowania politologicznej metody analizy tekstu, która to metoda pozwoliłaby – za pomocą języka – odkryć i wyeksponować założenia kształtujące orientacje i postawy podmiotów politycznych, czyli treści tworzące ogólną przestrzeń polityczną. Propozycją odpowiedzi na to zapotrzebowanie jest prezentowana w artykule metoda, wyróżniająca trzy podstawowe poziomy analizy: konwencjonalną warstwę tekstu, opisową oraz presupozycjalną. Na przykładzie analizy inauguracyjnych orędzi polskich prezydentów, ukazano specyfikę poszczególnych wymiarów: determinant sytuacyjny (na pierwszym poziomie), kreację treści korzystnych wizerunkowo (na poziomie deskryptywnym), wreszcie – najistotniejszy dla politologa – mechanizm odkrywania założeń ukrytych na poziomie presupozycjalnym. ; The language of politics (in its numerous variations and forms) continues to be one of the fundamental objects of political science research. The academic analysis of this object of research, however, continues to generate considerable difficulties for political science as a result of the incompatibility of language studies methodology with the function and tasks of modern political science. Therefore, there emerges a need to develop a method of text analysis for political science that will allow us to use language to discover and present the assumptions that shape the attitudes and ideologies of political entities, or in other words – the content of general political environment. This paper responds to this need by presenting a method that distinguishes three basic levels of analysis: a conventional layer of text, a descriptive one and a presuppositional one. Analyzing the inaugural addresses given by Polish presidents the specificity of their individual dimensions is presented: the situational determinant (level one), the creation of content to boost image (on a descriptive level), and – most importantly to the political scientist – a mechanism revealing the assumptions concealed at the presuppositional level.

Artykuł rozważa zmianę w endeckim dyskursie politycznym w okresie rewolucji 1905–1907. Podejmuję w nim analizę zmiany stosunku do "mas". Wizję modernizacji mas traktuję jako specyficzną formę dyskursu nowoczesności – reakcję na niezdeterminowanie, nieadekwatność politycznych instytucji i języków i gwałtowne rozszerzenie realnego uczestnictwa politycznego. Argumentuję, że określona koniunktura czy splot zdarzeń, zarówno z dziedziny myślenia politycznego, jak i procesów społecznych, wytworzyła specyficzną sytuację kryzysu, pewien moment polityczny. Określona reakcja na ten moment – w tym przypadku organicystyczny, hierarchiczny dyskurs wspólnoty i wizja zdyscyplinowanych mas pod endecką kontrolą, zadecydowała o kształcie całości endeckiego myślenia politycznego. Ów efekt ma swoje długofalowe konsekwencje i określa późniejszy kształt ideowy formacji endeckiej. ; The article examines a change in Polish National Democratic (Nationalist) political discourse accompanying the 1905 Revolution. In particular, I scrutinize the change in the conceptualization of "the masses". I consider a particular vision of the modernization of the masses as a form of discourse of modernity. Thus, I see it as a reaction to the indeterminacy of the social inadequacy of existing political institutions and discourses and the rapid widening of actual political participation. I argue that specific conjuncture between lineages of political thinking and social processes created a tipping point: a political moment or crisis. A particular answer for this moment – in this case an organic, hierarchic discourse of community and the envisioned whole of disciplined masses under the nationalistic control – defined the forthcoming shape of the National Democratic program. This resulted in long lasting consequences and defined the overall National Democratic project.

Owing to current events in Belarus (political and social, including the economic crisis and the ongoing activities that are having a negative impact on the functioning of opposition movements), the country is becoming an arena of competition for influence. In the context of the subject of this analysis, rivalry, especially in terms of the influence of other states on Belarusian society, is of key importance. Science diplomacy may be a tool of competition for influence. The fact that science diplomacy can be both a tool with which to cooperate with other countries in the region and a tool of competition for influence is of key importance in analysing this problem. The scientific potential of the Belarusian community is also of interest to other countries, including Ukraine, Lithuania, and Germany. The effective and efficient implementation of science diplomacy activities towards Belarus is undoubtedly in line with the well-understood Polish national interest. The aim of the article was to conduct a political and legal analysis of the process by which Poland is using science diplomacy as a tool for influencing the scientific community of Belarus. Another research goal was to analyse the activities undertaken by two other countries in the region – Ukraine and Lithuania – with respect to science diplomacy. The article also aimed to analyse the formal and legal conditions related to the normative solutions used in the countries under analysis, enabling the undertaking and implementation of education by Belarusian citizens. The educational and scientific programmes offered to students and scientists from Belarus in Poland were also subject to legal analyses. The whole analysis is supplemented and concluded by an attempt to evaluate the effectiveness of the activities carried out so far.